I. The scandal is not just a matter of integrity, but one of European credibility
The Republic of Moldova is in an unprecedented stage of its relations with the European Union. After obtaining candidate status and launching accession negotiations, the focus of Brussels inevitably shifts from political declarations to the effective functioning of institutions. If in the first stage the will to reform was evaluated, currently the state’s ability to apply European standards in practice is being tested.
In this context, the scandal regarding the appointments at the state enterprise Moldatsa goes beyond the dimension of an internal controversy. It brings into question the functioning of integrity mechanisms within a strategic state enterprise and raises questions about the selection criteria for public positions. Investigations initiated by the National Anticorruption Center and institutional reactions show that there are aspects that require clarification. From a European perspective, it is not only important whether there have been violations of the law or not, but also whether the state has effective mechanisms for preventing, identifying and sanctioning any potential deviations.
The statement of analyst Dionis Cenusa, according to which information about this case would have even reached the attention of the European Commission, is politically significant. Even if the final evaluation belongs to European institutions, it is evident that such cases contribute to shaping the external image of the Republic of Moldova. In the current stage of negotiations, credibility becomes one of the most important political resources of the state.
However, there is another risk, perhaps even more significant than the external impact. In the perception of a part of society, European integration is almost exclusively associated with the current government. Under these conditions, any scandal that affects the image of power risks indirectly eroding confidence in the European project. This overlap between a party and a strategic option of the state constitutes one of the most serious vulnerabilities of the moment.
II. The reform focused on changing people, not enough on transforming institutions
The 2021 PAS victory was built on a clear promise: replacing the old political class with honest and competent people. In the first years of governance, this strategy has generated significant trust capital. Society has accepted that changing individuals can be the first step towards changing the state.
The experience of recent years, however, shows that institutions are more resilient than anticipated. The administrative culture, bureaucratic procedures and informal practices inherited from the era of the captured state do not disappear with the change of political leadership. On the contrary, they tend to integrate newcomers into their operational logic.
This represents one of the great lessons of administrative reforms in Central and Eastern Europe. No state has modernized its administration solely by changing the people. Sustainable reform has required changing recruitment rules, strengthening institutional control, professionalizing the civil service and limiting political influence over administration.
From this perspective, the current scandal can be interpreted as a symptom of a structural problem. Not so much the identity of the individuals in office is essential, but the mechanism that allows the emergence of such controversies and the system’s ability to prevent them before they become public scandals.
Therefore, the real question is not whether there will be more resignations, but whether the way selection, evaluation and control procedures are organized in enterprises and state institutions will be revised.
III. The monopolization of the European agenda produces contrary political effects
In recent years, the current government has pursued the consolidation of a simple political message: European integration is its fundamental project, and support for this project is expressed, primarily, through backing the government.
This strategy had clear electoral advantages. It contributed to the mobilization of the pro-European electorate during a period marked by the war in Ukraine and the intensification of pressures from the Russian Federation on the Republic of Moldova.
In the long term, however, the almost complete identification between a party and a strategic objective of the state generates significant risks. If the party’s popularity decreases, citizens’ confidence in the European project may also diminish, even though the two are not synonymous.
Opinion polls from recent months show an increase in distrust towards political institutions. These developments do not automatically mean a decrease in support for European integration, but they create conditions in which opponents of Western orientation can try to present the difficulties of governance as proof of the failure of the European project.
From this perspective, one of the priorities of the political class should be the clear separation between the evaluation of a government and the assessment of the strategic direction of the state. European integration must remain a national project, capable of surviving the democratic alternation in governance.
IV. European integration requires a broader strategic debate, including on the prospect of unification with Romania
Another effect of political polarization is the narrowing of space for an authentic debate on the various ways in which the Republic of Moldova can achieve its goal of European integration.
In recent years, public discussion has focused almost exclusively on classic accession negotiations. This is, undoubtedly, the main option pursued by authorities and supported by European institutions. However, in a democratic society, the existence of a dominant option does not exclude the analysis of other scenarios compatible with European values and constitutional order.
In this context, the prospect of unification with Romania continues to be supported by a significant part of society and the political spectrum. Supporters of this option argue that reunification would represent an immediate means of integration into the institutional space of the European Union and NATO, through a state that is already a member of these organizations. Others believe that the accession process should be followed by the Republic of Moldova as an independent state.
These different positions should not be treated as incompatible with the pro-European orientation. On the contrary, they can be part of a legitimate debate on the ways in which the common goal of European integration can be achieved.
Avoiding such a discussion risks turning European integration into a topic reserved exclusively for a temporary political majority, instead of consolidating it as a national project shared by a plurality of democratic currents.
V. The European course must be detached from the electoral fate of a single party
The experience of the states that have joined the European Union shows that the success of the integration process depends on the existence of a broad political and social consensus. In all these states, there have been changes in government, democratic alternation and electoral competition, without the objective of accession being called into question.
The Republic of Moldova needs the same type of consensus. European integration cannot become captive to electoral cycles, nor can it depend exclusively on the performance of a single party. If the European project is identified with the success or failure of a single political formation, then any governance crisis inevitably turns into a crisis of confidence in the strategic direction of the state.
The scandal at Moldatsa could paradoxically become an opportunity for reflection. It could lead to the expansion of dialogue among all democratic and pro-Western forces and reaffirm the fact that European integration is an objective that surpasses the interests of a party or a government.
In this logic, strengthening the pro-European consensus implies accepting political pluralism and an open debate on all democratic options regarding the future of the Republic of Moldova. Only in this way can the European project gain the necessary stability to withstand inevitable government changes and electoral competition.
