|
|
|
Russia is determined to exploit the weaknesses of Ukraine and Moldova in the energy sector. Therefore, Western solidarity with these states is the main ingredient to strengthen their energy resilience in the face of the “Russian winter”...
|
Dionis Cenuşa, Senior Contributor |
|
Russian pressure remains at high levels, militarily against Ukraine and through energy leverage in relation to Moldova. In both cases, Russia is counting on the aggravation of the socio-economic and humanitarian effects produced by the winter, which would weaken the government in Kyiv militarily and the government in Chisinau politically. The Russian objective pursued in relation to Ukraine is the beginning of ceasefire negotiations, which would favor Russian territorial occupations, formalized by the illegal annexation of the Ukrainian regions - Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk and Luhansk (September 30). Russian calculations on Moldova would be to bring down the government and weaken the credibility of the ruling party. The latter could be in a position to choose between the risk of mass protests, if energy poverty is not kept under control, and respectively the request for gas negotiations with Russia, with the loss of support from pro-European segments of society.
As a result of the deliberate destruction of energy infrastructure by the Russian military, the Ukrainian population is at risk of facing a major humanitarian crisis if the infrastructure is not repaired, resumed and placed under anti-missile defense. Some voices compare Russia's actions with the "Holodomor", organized by the Soviets in 1932-33, but this time in the energy field. Air, missile and drone strikes (lately to a lesser extent) continue to target Ukraine's critical infrastructure on which the supply of energy and basic services (drinking water, hot water, sewage) depends. Since October 10, when Russia focused its military efforts on destroying the Ukrainian energy sector, about 40% of the national energy infrastructure has been attacked from the air and is in need of extensive repair. The Russian army leaves destruction even as it leaves the occupied territories, where Ukrainian forces are gradually returning as a result of an effective counteroffensive. Thus, during the recent withdrawal from the right bank of the Kherson region, Russian troops destroyed and mined most of the critical infrastructure elements of the city of Kherson (Al Jazeera, November 2022).
On the other hand, the limitation of natural gas flows to Moldova amplifies inflationary trends, because Moldova is forced to massively increase energy sector spending. The reduction in the volume of gas by up to 50% of that established in the contract signed in October causes ramifications of the energy crisis (IPN, November 2022). The government is indebted from externally requested loans to cover the cost of energy resources and the population, as a result of the inability to pay current bills. The outbreak of social tensions can be avoided if the authorities guarantee a sufficient degree of social protection for vulnerable groups and effective crisis communication. In addition to investigating illegal funding linked to kleptocratic groups and pro-Russian political forces and punishing the culprits in accordance with the law, the authorities must provide political guarantees that they remain firmly anchored in the reform process. In this sense, the recent scandal related to the serious accusations against the Minister of Justice Sergiu Litvinenco. He is accused of political interference in the decision-making process in the justice sector must be the subject of an impartial investigation (BalkanInsight, November 2022). In addition, Moldova must prepare for negative scenarios according to which certain parts of the population of the Transnistrian region (in total - 350,859 inhabitants), in the face of a humanitarian crisis, may need the assistance of the constitutional authorities, including as internally displaced persons.
Multilateral aid to Ukraine: resources for winter survival and post-war recovery
Before the beginning of air strikes targeting Ukraine's energy infrastructure, Russian military aggression destroyed the physical infrastructure based on the military presence and movement of Ukrainian ground forces. Thus, in the first 6 months of the war, the greatest material losses recorded by the Ukrainian side affected five sectors: housing (47.8%), transport infrastructure (35.1%), industry (9.7%), education (4.3%), agriculture. sector (4.3%), etc. (Statista, September 2022). Losses were approximately $97-114 billion. At that time, international financial institutions estimated that Ukraine would need at least €349 billion for post-war reconstruction. The recent destruction of the energy infrastructure means that the financial needs essential to the functioning of the Ukrainian state are constantly increasing.
The US provides a steady stream of financial assistance for military purposes, which on November 10 announced a new tranche of $400 million. Thus, the US military assistance provided to Ukraine since the beginning of the Russian military aggression has reached $19.3 billion. The EU has announced that the approximately €5.1 billion budget of the European Instrument for Peace (IEP) is 85% spent. Of this figure, €3.1 billion, or around 55% of the total budget, was transferred to Ukraine. In the process of establishing the International Fund for Ukraine, the Dutch authorities expressed their willingness to pay €100 million for military purposes. Bilaterally, Germany wants to allocate €1 billion from its national budget in 2023 to support Ukraine's cyber defenses and document war crimes committed by Russia (Euronews, November 2022).
In addition to the financial support of the military component, there is a great need for money to keep Ukraine's economy viable and essential budget expenditures. To mitigate the negative effects on the population caused by Russia's destruction of critical infrastructure, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) will allocate $55 million to repair the heating system in Kyiv and another $216 million as humanitarian aid for the winter period (total - $271 million). In this regard, the EU is trying to achieve unanimity to create a financial mechanism that will provide financial resources of €18 billion (€1.5 billion per month) for the monthly budget needs of the Ukrainian side in 2023. It is very likely that Hungary will be pushed to accept the implementation of this mechanism after all, although it tried to condition its vote on unlocking access to EU post-pandemic recovery funds (€13 billion euros). More than that, there is another €3 billion of the amount promised by the EU in May (€9 billion), which could only be allocated in early 2023.
Estimates from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) show that by 2023 Ukraine will need monthly injections of $3-4 billion to stay afloat. If the EU provided half of this amount, the US and international financial institutions could cover the rest. The EU's decision to create a specific financial mechanism for Ukraine comes as Washington has said that the burden of supporting Ukraine must be shared among Western allies. According to October data, the US provided about 55% or €52.3 billion of total government aid (including €26.9bn for military aid) to Ukraine (€93.8 billion in the first 7 months of war), and the EU and member states: 31% or €29.2 billion (IfWKiel, October 2022). In addition to current spending, the Ukrainian authorities are engaged in active diplomacy to prepare the ground for a post-war "Marshall Plan" worth at least €750 billion. This amount has already been expressed in the context of the conference on Ukraine in Berlin (October 25, 2022). This amount could be confirmed in Paris, where another conference is expected to mobilize assistance for Ukraine (December 13, 2022). Without Western financial assistance, Ukraine will not be able to regain its territories, but, first of all, to ensure defense against future Russian offensives and to maintain the state in a functional state. In this regard, in addition to conventional weapons, Russia will take advantage of harsh winter weather conditions in combination with the repeated destruction of critical infrastructure in the energy sector.
Financial aid for Moldova to support energy costs
Moldova is seeking financial resources to manage the energy crisis, which also exposes it to unforeseen costs due to the loss of access to cheap electricity from the Transnistrian region. Inflation affects the purchasing power of Moldovans. The most significant increase in prices was registered in public services (utilities) - almost 52%. By mid-November, more than 500,000 people had registered to obtain compensation for natural gas consumption during the cold period of the year (November 2022-March 2023). The authorities are willing to cover almost half of the natural gas tariff of 15 Moldovan lei per m3 (€0.76 per m3). In this way, the compensation for 500 thousand inhabitants for just one m3 will constitute 7.5 million Moldovan lei or about €389,000. On average, gas consumption can exceed 100 m3 per apartment during the cold period of the year, and the authorities want to cover the cost of half of that volume, for those citizens who apply for social aid. Based on rough estimates, we can conclude that social compensation could cost the government tens of millions of euros this winter.
Government representatives mentioned that the country would need around €1.1 billion to cover the costs of energy resources this winter. In addition to the money needed to support the compensation mechanism, the authorities must purchase electricity that is more expensive. It is bought from Romania, which replaces about 90% of imported electricity flows from Ukraine and the Transnistrian region between May and September 2022 (80% of internal consumption), interrupted because of Russia. Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilița announced that the government wants to solicit from the external partners up to €450 million to prepare for a possible interruption in natural gas deliveries from Russia (Politico, November 2022). This money would be needed to replenish oil and natural gas reserves. The government allocated €10 million (200 million lei) for the acquisition of new batches of fuel oil and modified the budget to allocate €202 million (4 billion lei) for the purchase of natural gas and electricity. Strategic gas reserves remain in Romania and Ukraine, at around 160 million m3. However, this volume is enough for about a month (5.7 million m3 per day). Theoretically, for consumption during three months (December, January and February, the coldest months of the year), more than 320 million m3 would be needed, stored in gas underground storages in neighboring countries.
In November alone, Moldova was promised €40 million in budget aid from Germany for social compensation. A new tranche of €200 million of the EBRD loan for a total amount of €300 million is about to arrive. In addition, it was decided to borrow €60 million from the French Development Agency. During the visit to Chisinau, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced a financial aid of €250 million, of which €200 million are for the management of the energy crisis (half of the sum is in the form of budget support). This gesture is a manifestation of solidarity with Moldova, but also political support for President Maia Sandu (both politicians are part of the European People's Party family). It is not clear if the EU applies any conditionality to the new financial assistance. However, the political situation in Moldova and the latest scandals related to judicial reform would require an urgent review of the EU's lax approach to the use of the conditionality mechanism in Moldova.
The financial aid announced in October-November would amount to €550 million, which would represent only half of the minimum amount of €1.1 billion needed for Moldova to survive the winter without socio-political eruptions. The Moldovan authorities will probably try to use the third reunion of the Moldova Support Platform, to be held in Paris (21 November), to obtain additional funds.
In lieu of conclusions...
In all the amalgamation of requests from the Ukrainian authorities and the intersections of Western offers, urgent objectives must prevail. At its top is the restoration and strengthening of the energy infrastructure so that state institutions, social infrastructure, the population and the army can resist Russian aggression. At the same time, Moldova's energy vulnerabilities make it extremely sensitive to Moscow's political decisions in the field of gas exports. The energy situation of the two countries (Ukraine and Moldova) may be complicated if Russia decides to stop the supply of gas through Ukrainian territory in the dead of winter. This could create shortages in the European energy market, which will inevitably affect the price, even if the EU intends to cap the gas price.
The parameters of Western financial assistance for Ukraine and Moldova are essential so that they can provide their population with the minimum public services. Russia is determined to exploit the weaknesses of Ukraine and Moldova in the energy sector. Therefore, Western solidarity towards these states is the main ingredient to strengthen their energy resilience in the face of the “Russian winter”.
Dionis Cenuşa, Senior Contributor
Dionis Cenușa is a political scientist, researcher at the Institute of Political Sciences at Liebig-Justus University in Giessen, Germany, MA degree in Interdisciplinary European Studies from the College of Europe in Warsaw.
Areas of research: European Neighborhood Policy, EU-Moldova relationship, EU's foreign policy and Russia, migration and energy security.
Follow Dionis Cenușa on
Twitter
IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.
Dionis Cenușa
See related articles:
- "Multi-vector" foreign policy and European integration: the realities of Serbia, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Differentiated European accession: the imminent decoupling of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- (Geo)political polarization in Georgia and Moldova and what is at stake for the EU and Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Prevalence of the geopolitical factor in the EU accession agenda of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The new EU defense agenda and the dynamics in Eastern Europe. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Forecasts for Eastern Europe in 2024: The crisis of EU influence and the electoral renewal of autocracies. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Hungarian-Russian factor and the Ukrainian dimension of the EU's eastern enlargement. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Middle East crisis and the European perspective for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Transnistrian conflict settlement: three scenarios in the context of the geostrategic interests of Moldova, Ukraine and Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The Cyprus precedent, the post-Soviet “frozen conflicts” and the European agenda of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The effects of the anti-government protests in Georgia and Moldova on the EU positions. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Russia and the geopolitical costs of war: the "frozen conflicts" in Moldova and Azerbaijan. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia on the road to the EU: 5 principles to make reforms more efficient. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Bringing Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia closer to the EU: a multi-speed progress. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Disinhibiting EU strategic thinking under the pressure of Russian militarist revisionism: breaking European "taboos". Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Preventing Russian-origin threats in 2023: three priorities for risk reduction for the West. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- "Reshaping" of regional critical infrastructure under the impact of war: the case of Ukraine, Russia and the EU. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The energy crisis in Moldova and support for reunification with Romania, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Ukraine's critical infrastructure vs. Russia's energy positioning - the "war of nerves". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Russian Tactics against Ukraine and Moldova: Ramifications of the Energy Crises. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Russian attacks on critical infrastructure: risks for Ukraine's resilience and implications for the EU. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The new scenarios of Russian aggression in the light of the illegal annexation of southeastern Ukraine. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- Moldova-Russia relations: between anti-governmental protests and gas blackmail. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Russia's gas war and the EU's resilience test: three Russian goals and three European dilemmas. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The de-oligarchization of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia: the EU condition for advancing the European perspective. Analysis by Dionis Cenuşa
- Georgia and Moldova: Comparative analysis of state resilience and risks of Russian origin. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- EU sanctions and Russia's energy weapon - solidarity versus fragmentation. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova and the candidacy for the EU: between the loss of legitimacy and the need for a national dialogue. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- EU membership candidacy: internal and geopolitical differences between Ukraine and Moldova. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The race for EU membership status: the three scenarios for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- EU energy autonomy and "crisis" of sanctions against Russia: between blockades and new alternatives. Aanalysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Regional insecurity and the search for resilience for Moldova - based on EU or NATO assistance? Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- New trends in aggression against Ukraine, Western sanctions and Russian energy weapon
- Moldova and Georgia's Dialogue with the EU and NATO: Seeking External Attention and Resources for State Resilience. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The "new" European agenda of Moldova, the unification with Romania and the separation of the Transnistria region. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Sanctions against Russia to save Ukraine and the Chinese factor, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The Russian invasion and the "rivalry" of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia for accession to the EU. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Russian crisis 2.0: Ukraine's demands towards the West in the face of new scenarios in Moscow. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The role of EU assistance in Moldova's detachment from Russia. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Ukrainianization of European security: Why is Russia acting now? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Top Seven Forecasts for the Eastern Partnership in 2022: Stress Test for Local Reforms and Pressure from Regional Geopolitical Competition. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Top 5 advances and challenges in the EaP in 2021: pro-EU resilience and new sources of regional instability. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Germany's post-Merkel foreign policy: more pro-European in Eastern Europe, tougher on Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova's foreign policy - between "interconnection" with Romania and "balancing" with Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The migration crisis in Belarus, the EU’s weaknesses and the scenarios of the Lukashenko regime. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Drawing lessons from Moldova on EU energy security and the Russian monopoly. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Russia's intentions to counter Western influence in the CIS space, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Revitalizing the EU-Moldova dialogue: between geopolitical enthusiasm, “historical moment” and local limitations, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Between EU expectations and the political reality in Georgia and Moldova: contradictions and risks, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The Post-Merkel Era and the Fate of Eastern Europeans: Continuation of European Integration and Restoration of Territorial Integrity, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Resuscitation of Russia-Moldova relations and the impact of the European vector. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Resolving territorial conflicts in the Eastern Partnership: In search of a personalized EU approach, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Georgia-Moldova-Ukraine “Association” Triangle: Deepening EU Integration and the “Shield” Against Russian Influence, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- EU Economic Sanctions and Vulnerability of the Eastern Partnership to Belarusian Precedent. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Early Elections in Moldova and the Geopolitical Power of the Diaspora. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Deepening differentiation within the Eastern Partnership and the emergence of the pan-European "Trio". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Oligarchy in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine: between withdrawal, regrouping and “re-education”. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Public Attitudes in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine towards the EU - between Adoration and Moderation. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Adjusting the visa-free regime with the EU for Eastern Europeans - from the pandemic to the "green pass". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- "Sputnik V" at the EU border and Russia's targets in Moldova, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The signs of “vaccine diplomacy” in Moldova: Romania's advantages over Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU’s calculus in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - navigating between political crises, reforms and the "shadows" of Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- Anticipating Russia's reaction to future EU sanctions: division, disinformation or destabilization? Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- EU-Russia relationship in 2021 - between "distorted pragmatism" and "resilient foreign policy", Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Re-Europeanization of Moldova's foreign policy and the EU's position on the Moldovan political crisis, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Top eight forecasts for Eastern Partnership states in 2021 - between “contestation” and “renewal”. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The Eastern Partnership's Top 5 Opportunities and Challenges in 2020, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU, the "Magnitsky Act" and targeting autocrats in the Eastern neighborhood. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova-Russia relationship and the post-Dodon transition - between “rational” and “emotional” approaches, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- Informational resilience near the eastern borders of the EU, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU's eastern neighborhood at a new crossroad - between electoral riddles and security crises, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova - presidential elections without a "geopolitical vote"? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The perspective of Russia, China and the EU on the political crisis in Belarus - between intervention, support and influence, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Belarus - a new "velvet revolution" in the Eastern Partnership? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The „darlings” of the EU conditionality mechanism - Georgia, Moldova or Ukraine? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The effects of EU actions in Moldova - financial assistance and the opposition’s contradictions. Analysis
- Germany’s Presidency in the EU Council and the Eastern Partnership’s future: A Guide to handling an "uncomfortable" reality, analysis
- The EU's political agenda and the "moving sands" in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, analysis
- The EU's conditionality and fighting Euroscepticism in Eastern Partnership, Op-Ed
- The Eurasian Union and the health crisis: lacking integration and geopolitical ambitions, Op-Ed
- NATO’s solidarity and the Russian factor: the tough lesson of state resilience, Op-Ed
- China and Russia – the health diplomacy and the "fragmentation” of Europe, Op-Ed
- On the effects of the Pandemic – between European solidarity and the Eastern neighbourhood's resilience, Op-Ed
- The "falling governments" in Moldova and Ukraine: Four similarities and two differences, Op-Ed
- European integration in the EU's neighbourhood: With or without "de-geopoliticization”?, Op-Ed
- “Macronization” of EU-Russia ties and effects on Eastern neighborhood, Op-Ed
- Moldova-Romania unification, migration and European integration in the East, Op-Ed
- Immobilization of the oligarchs in Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: mission (im)possible? Op-Ed
- Ten forecasts for 2020: “Geopolitization” of the oligarchy in Moldova and EU-Russia rapprochement, Op-Ed
- Year of "Shortened" Europtimism in Moldova: Top 3 Successes and Setbacks in 2019. Op-Ed
- Romania-Moldova dialogue: from “calm tone” to the conditionality regime, Op-Ed
- Traumatized European perspective in EU’s vicinity and the Moldovan echoes, Op-Ed
- EU-Moldova dialogue: Is there European integration after Maia Sandu’s government?, Op-Ed
- Enlargements "in between" the EU and the Eurasian Union: Serbia and Moldova as showcase, Op-Ed
- EU macro-financial aid for Moldova: objective rewarding or political stimulation?, OP-ED
- Russia, the EU and the restoring geopolitical coexistence along the Kiev-Chisinau-Tbilisi line, Op-Ed
- Moldova’s government of reform and the European "credit of trust"
- Moldova's "balanced" foreign policy, the Paris-Moscow axis and the Ukrainian dossier, Op-Ed
- Moldova’s fragile government and the European agenda by 2020, OP-ED
- Unlocking European Assistance for Moldova: with or without conditionality?, OP-ED
- "Anti-oligarchic spring" or temporary illusions in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Surrendering oligarchic regime, re-launching of European integration in Moldova and Russia’s agenda, OP-ED
- Moldova’s political crisis: Overcoming the geopolitical complex and the "captured state", OP-ED
- Political speeds in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: in search of a “virtuous circle”, OP-ED
- Intersection of geopolitical symbols in Moldova: between Soviet past and rights of sexual minorities, OP-ED
- Visa liberalization in Moldova after five years: weaknesses of good governance and comparisons to Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Post-electoral Moldova: between Russia’s warnings, absence of EU and snap elections, OP-ED
- (Geo)political behavior of Presidents of Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: between fluctuating perceptions and realities, OP-ED
- Formation of post-electoral coalition in Moldova and Moscow’s benefits, OP-ED
- Diaspora’s power in the Moldovan Elections - Between Perceptions and Realities, OP-ED
- Attitudes of citizens of Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia towards EU and paradoxes of polls, OP-ED
- Ten forecasts for 2019: Reconfiguration of European agenda in Moldova and the rule of law crisis in EU, OP-ED
- Year of disruptions in Moldova’s European integration: Top 3 accomplishments and failures in 2018, OP-ED
- Deficiencies of European conditionality and survival of Moldova political class, OP-ED
- Warning about suspension of visa-free regime for Moldova and synergy of EU criticism, OP-ED
- Difficult coexistence between civil society and oligarchic regimes in Moldova and Georgia, OP-ED
- Failure to insert the European integration in Moldova’s Constitution: losers and winners
- Future of Association Agreements in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: local, European and Russian factors, OP-ED
- Opportunities of extraparliamentary opposition, fears of government and positioning towards EU, OP-ED
- Scanning of EU macro-financial assistance to Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: frontrunners and laggards, OP-ED
- Decay of EU-Moldova relations until a new electoral test, OP-ED
- Antigovernment protests, government’s stratagems and European agenda of Moldova, OP-ED
- Discrepancies between Chisinau and EU and intention to make use of Russian factor, OP-ED
- Is Moldova’s case a dangerous precedent for EU’s relations with Ukraine and Georgia? OP-ED
- Impact of EP resolution: from political crisis of government to attack on EU’s image in Moldova, OP-ED
- Deterioration of EU-Moldova dialogue and calculations of Moldovan government, OP-ED
- Invalidation of elections in Chisinau, government scenarios and EU reaction, OP-ED
- Romanian Presidency of Council of EU and political-energy context in Moldova, OP-ED
- Social protests amid European integration: Why do citizens in Georgia protest more often than those in Moldova? OP-ED
- Impact of rapprochement between EU and Russia on Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, OP-ED
- Foreign multi-vectorialism of President Dodon and post-electoral geopolitical uncertainties, OP-ED
- Moldova’s energy dependence, avoidance of transparency and ignoring of debt for Russian gas, OP-ED
- EU and limits of “strict conditionality” in relation to Moldova, OP-ED
- Role and implications of (Euro)unionism in Moldova, OP-ED
- Georgia’s European aspirations and lessons to be learned by Moldova, OP-ED
- Regeneration of Putin regime and implications for EaP and Moldova, OP-ED
- (Geo)political scenarios for parliamentary elections of Moldova, OP-ED
- Moldova and EU: a dialogue clogged up with old problems and new expectations, OP-ED
- Diagnosis of oligarchy in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia and de-oligarchization solutions, OP-ED
- EU assistance for Moldova, hastening of reforms and government’s survival, OP-ED
- European integration, import of EU legislation and practical solutions for shaping benefits, OP-ED
- Moldova and position of EaP leader between forced reforms and advantage of regional comparison, OP-ED
- Moldova’s struggle against Russian misinformation: shortcomings and electoral calculation, OP-ED
- New visa suspension mechanism as an additional instrument targeting corruption in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Constitutional Court, European integration and (geo)political struggle in Moldova, OP-ED
- Bulgarian presidency of EU Council and effects on Moldova, OP-ED
- Ten predictions for 2018: Electoral test for the European course, resurgence of the pro-Russian forces, OP-ED
- Nature of growth of pro-European perception and attempt to “constitutionalize” European course, OP-ED
- Struggle against Russian propaganda in Moldova, touching of U.S. and European content, OP-ED
- Moldova and prospects of joining EU – lack of political, institutional and emotional readiness on both sides, OP-ED
- Future of EaP and Moldova following Brussels Declaration – between pragmatism and local realities, OP-ED
- What do Eastern Partnership and Moldova go with to Brussels summit? OP-ED
- Moderation of Euroskepticism of President Dodon, Moldova-EU trade and resuscitation of pro-European sympathies, OP-ED
- Legitimacy of governments of EaP, survival of European course and Moldova, OP-ED
- Multiple speeds of Eastern Partnership, civil society and Moldova’s case, OP-ED
- Russia, nationalism in Europe and Moldova, OP-ED
- European integration, pro-European unionism and defects of Moldovan government, OP-ED
- Pro-reform agenda instead of blocking of macro-financial assistance, OP-ED
- Mandate of new Head of EU Delegation to Moldova and first major challenge, OP-ED
- EU’s mission in Eastern neighborhood and Moldova: stimulation of development or European integration? OP-ED
- Magnetization of Eastern Partnership, Russia’s role and implications for Moldova, OP-ED
- Civil society: agents of influence or sanitarians of political system. OP-ED
- European integration in Moldova: elitist project or not?, OP-ED
- Moldova on 26th anniversary of independence: between sustainability and Europeanization, Op-Ed
- The end of Pirkka Tapiola’s tenure, the pro-Russian president and the pro-European oligarch, OP-ED
- Chisinau’s bet: Macro-financial assistance and EU recognition, Op-Ed
- Moldova and “stabilitocracy” in European neighborhood, OP-ED
- Re-evaluation of Moldova-EU Association Agreement: solution or new uncertainties? OP-ED
- EU’s reaction to introduction of mixed electoral system: pragmatism or weakness, OP-ED
- External financing of civil society, government pressure and European integration, OP-ED
- Stimulation of reforms in Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: new conditionality vs European perspective
- Estonian presidency of EU Council and implications for Moldova
- Restoration of power supplies from Transnistrian region and weakness of European factor, Op-Ed
- Venice Commission, mixed-member electoral system and European assistance, OP-ED
- Role of President Dodon for Russia and implications for European integration, OP-ED
- Priorities of Eastern Partnership until 2020 and how Moldova can benefit from these, OP-ED
- European values versus traditional values and geopolitical subtext in Moldova, OP-ED
- European agenda, civil society and confrontation with government, OP-ED
- Three scenarios concerning fate of EU macro-financial assistance for Moldova, OP-ED
- Halt in EU funding versus uninominal voting system in Moldova, OP-ED
- How did Moldova become a ”captured state”? OP-ED
- Natural disasters in Moldova and opportunities of relationship with EU, OP-ED
- Moldova after three years of visa-free regime with EU and new European realities, OP-ED
- Can Memorandum with Eurasian Union diminish Moldova’s European agenda? OP-ED
- Hidden concerns of EU and adaptability of government, Op-Ed
- Moldova forced to combine CIS and Eurasian Union with European integration, OP-ED
- Pro-reform approach of EU and pro-Russian plans of President Dodon, OP-ED
- Multi-speed in EU and its neighborhood: Where is Moldova? OP-ED
- Pro-European sympathies and role of pro-EU opposition, OP-ED
- Presidential administration vs government: between political coexistence and geopolitical antagonism, OP-ED
- European security and Russia’s approach for a post-Western world, OP-ED
- Association Agreement with EU and paradoxes of President Dodon, OP-ED
- EU dilemma: to criticize government or to combat Euro-skeptical propaganda of pro-Russian President? OP-ED
- Parallel dialogues between EU and Moldova and Russian-Eurasian factor, OP-ED
- Is DCFTA implemented in Transnistrian region or not? OP-ED
- Populism and European integration in Moldova, Op-Ed
- Difficult mission: advancing of Europeanization and restoration of relations with Russia, OP-ED
- Eastern Partnership becomes more ‘practical’. What does Moldova gain? OP-ED
- About ‘application for accession’ to EU and Moldova’s homework, OP-ED IPN
- Energy interconnection with EU: Recipe for diminishing dependence on Transnistria and Russia
- Europeans’ tactic in relation to Chisinau: Reforms here and now, Op-Ed
- Georgia, liberalization of visas with EU and implications for Moldova
- Chisinau accelerates reforms to seduce European Union
- Europeans again in Chisinau: between dialogue with government and protest leaders
- Deciphering EU’s position on Moldova: Real significance versus mistakes and omissions
- Schengen crisis: Does it affect visa-free regime for Moldova or not?
- Western and Russian press about protests in Chisinau: between misinformation and manipulation
- Reactions of EU and U.S. to new anti-government protests in Chisinau
- Idea of early elections in Moldova: New pro-Europeans in Chisinau – “yes”, voices from Brussels - “better no”
- EU under Dutch presidency and allusions to Moldova
- EU in Moldova: recipe for reanimating European course in 2016