On May 27, in Brussels, the 10th meeting of the Moldova-EU Cooperation Council took place, as the Moldovan delegation was headed by President Vladimir Voronin himself. According to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), which currently governs the political and legal framework of the relationship between our country and the EU, the Cooperation Council meets once a year at the level of members of the Moldovan Government, members of the EU Council and members of the European Commission to discuss issues related to the implementation of the PCA, and to jointly make recommendations concerning the development of the relationship between our country and the EU. The 10th meeting of the Moldova-EU Cooperation Council will, however, remain in the history of our relationship with the EU, not because President Voronin headed the Moldovan delegation, but notably because of the EU’s decision to start the process of considering the future legal arrangement with the Republic of Moldova. In this context, we should remark that in terms of negotiating a new partnership dialog with the EU, we lag behind Ukraine which has been already negotiating a similar agreement with Brussels for a year and a half now, and behind the Russian Federation which is to start such negotiations in the near future. [What is anyway the significance and implications of the reflection process announced by Brussels?] After the EU announced the start of the reflection process on the future political-legal framework with Moldova, which is going to replace the present PCA, the Chisinau authorities did not resist the temptation of presenting this decision as the official launch of the talks between Chisinau and Brussels on this matter. In fact, one should make a clear distinction between the reflection process and the talks themselves. The reflection process will in fact launch intense debates among the 27 member states of the EU and the European Commission, which will aim to establish the major objectives and the main parameters of the future accord which the EU would like to negotiate and sign with Moldova. Certainly during this period of reflection, the European Commission will study/consult the vision of the Moldovan government, the weight of which will greatly depend on the progress to be proven by the Moldovan authorities in carrying out the recommendations made by the European Commission in its April Report on the implementation of the Moldova-EU Action Plan signed in February 2005. The velocity, duration and spirit of the reflection will depend, first foremost, on the efforts made by the Chisinau Government in implementing – really, not bogusly – the democratic reforms in those 4 areas stressed by the European officials at the recent sitting of the Cooperation Council, and namely: observing the judiciary’s impartiality, the freedom of media, fighting corruption and insuring a business environment attractive for foreign investments. In addition, the reflection process is tightly conditioned by organizing and unfolding an electoral campaign for the 2009 parliamentary poll in accordance with the values, norms and democratic practices consecrated in this area. If the reflection process does not meet major obstacles on its way, one can expect it to end till the end of this year, as those 27 EU countries may approve of the negotiating mandate, on the basis of which, the European Commission will negotiate the future Partnership Accord with Moldova. Approving of the negotiating mandate will not automatically mean the start of the talks between European Commission and the Chisinau Government. This decision would be to be taken by the EU Foreign Ministers, however, not before making an ample analysis of the democratic developments in this country, which them will be in the full swing of the electoral race. And again, first and foremost, namely the Government’s deeds will matter and not only the pro-European rhetoric, which the Chisinau rulers have learnt to manipulate wonderfully in the discussions with European officials. At this stage, we can but guess which will be the parameters of the future negotiating mandate that the EU countries will give to the European Commission to start the talks with this country on the new political-legal framework. It is clear the negotiating mandate will encompass the limits of the guidelines and objectives established by the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), part of which is Moldova, too. The ENP offers no clear perspective of European integration for the EU’s neighboring countries, but the ENP offers them, instead, new opportunities to deepen the partnership relationships and even commercial integration with the EU. The messages coming from Brussels convince us this logic is going to stand at the basis of the future generations of accords that the EU intends to sign with the its neighbors from Eastern Europe, including Moldova. As a consequence, we can suppose that the maximum offer Moldova could get from the EU is a similar accord the European Commission is now negotiating with Ukraine. In other words, an accord predominantly stressing on the wide opening of the EU market for the Moldovan goods, deepening partnership in sector fields as democracy and good governing, justice and domestic affairs, international cooperation, energy security, migration control, environment protection, the development of transport and communications networks, easing the visa regime, education and culture, encouraging inter-human relationships etc. Also, Moldova will be encouraged to join, depending on its interests and priorities, to specialized programs and agencies, thus stimulating the alignment of this country to the EU values, norms and practice. [What should Moldova do so that its position on the future legal frame with the EU is heard and heeded in Brussels?] First, Chisinau should specify and structure its own vision. Now, one gets the impression, that Chisinau’s vision sums up to a single sentence without a clearly defined content: “The Republic of Moldova would like to sign with the EU an agreement implying the free movement of Moldovan citizens within the EU, the free movement of goods, capitals and services.” Here come a series of pertinent questions to the Chisinau Government from the European officials and namely: 1. Is Moldova ready to introduce the visa regime with Ukraine, Russia and other CIS countries to be able to benefit of the free movement of its citizens within the EU space? 2. Is Moldova ready to give up its customs taxes in order to have a symmetrical trade with the EU?; 3. Is Moldova’s economy ready to face the competition within the EU space?; 4. Is Moldova ready to liberalize its banking system to have the free movement of capitals and services between Moldova and the EU?; 5. Is Moldova ready to allow foreign investors to buy agricultural fields to invest in its agriculture? These are but few of the questions that would help the Moldovan officials to fill in their own vision about the future political-legal arrangement with the EU.