Op-Ed: What should we do for the EU to more efficiently combat Russian propaganda?

 

Brussels does not manage to promote the “European model” or at least to protect it from the Russian propagandistic war either in the Republic of Moldova or in the region. To change the state of affairs, ‘outfitting’ the European diplomatic missions with efficient communication instruments is an urgent necessity. Otherwise, the EU risks definitively losing ground to the Russian propaganda that stimulates anti-European rhetoric in society and seriously affects the durability of the country’s development model.

Dionis Cenuşa
 

 

The previous days, Romanian MEP Andi Cristea put forward the idea of strengthening the communication capacities of the EU Delegations in the countries that signed Association Agreements with the EU, including the Republic of Moldova. The given proposal revives the debates on the powerful media influence of Russia in the region and the limited communication capacities of the EU.

Media pressure on the part of Russia

Busy with the resolving of the financial crisis, the crisis of refugees, Russia’s aggression on Ukraine and other international cases, Brussels does not manage to promote the “European model” or at least to protect it from the Russian propagandistic war. But, besides the evident communication-related shortcomings of the EU, Russia also exploits to the maximum and without tiredness any wrong step taken by the Europeans at political level. In this regard, the long and poorly-conditioned support provided by the EU to the pro-European, but profoundly corrupt governments serves as an anti-EU argument that is actively used by Russia and its media agents (TV channels, radio stations, websites, Russian and Moldovan journalists).

“Media” shortcomings of European missions

In a powerfully unfriendly context, where the corrupt pro-European forces discredit the European course, while Russia manipulates public opinion, the EU must have enough communication capacities. The state of affairs seems to be to the detriment of the Europeans. Thus, even if there are specialists at the EU Delegation in Chisinau who are responsible for packing and delivering the message outside, there is no extensively specialized department for communication with the mass media.

When examining the official websites of other European diplomatic missions in the region, we see that the institutional organigrams of the EU Delegations in Moscow, Kiev and Tbilisi includes departments intended for communication with the public. This thing explains only partially why the EU meets with difficulties in promoting and protecting its image in Moldova. But Europe’s image in Moscow, Kiev and less in Tbilisi is negative even if there are specialized media departments.

Thus, the problem is more challenging that it seems at first sight. On the one hand, the EU does not have institutional and expertise capacities in its diplomatic missions that are in the zone of Russian influence. On the other hand, the agents of the Russian propaganda work in a known linguistic, social and cultural environment which Russia never left.

Something more than combating Russian propaganda

It is important to bear in mind that besides the presence of the Russian factor, we also face internal political turbulences that put an enormous pressure on the country’s European course. Consequently, the proposal of MEP Cristea is more than topical. The moment is also opportune because the EU now works on the strategy for revising its European Neighborhood Policy that envisions the provision of additional financial resources to countries with European aspirations, such as the Republic of Moldova.

The discussions actually refer to something more than the combating of the Russian propaganda and the protection of the EU’s image. The European development model pursued by Moldova could be thus promoted as the most efficient method of combating the anti-European rhetoric.

 

 
Dionis Cenuşa

 


IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.

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