|
|
|
At any authentic rapprochement with the European area, countries like Moldova are to anticipate even more repressions than now on the part of Russia, which is determined to push the international community towards a post-Western world...
|
Dionis Cenuşa |
|
The new Munich Security Conference (February 17-19, 2017) took stock of the trends related to regional and international security. The unexpectedly positive position of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini ran counter to the critical and rather hostile position of Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov.
The European official underlined the importance of multilateral relations that work in the case of the EU, while Lavrov complained about the fact that the West does not want to give up its unipolar agenda. Both of the sides had yet common positions on the necessity of respecting international law, even if Russia violated a series of treaties and principles of international law with respect to Ukraine during the last three years.
As a tradition already, Mogherini reiterated the EU’s interest in consolidating the states by investing in good governance, rule of law and human rights. Namely this investment serves as a precondition for more robust security, including for the Europeans.
Lavrov’s counter-offer consisted in the establishment of post-Western order, where the cultural and civilizational identity of the states is essential. This proposal goes against the approach of the EU, which sees the standards needed for the good functioning of states and prevention of insecurities in the rule of law or the human rights.
Europe as a reliable and indispensable power
Federica Mogherini noted that in unpredictable times, the European Union will remain a stable, reliable, predictable power for many and for collective security. This way, she contradicted the pessimistic ideas about the imbalance inside the EU and insisted that the Union and the European people must have greater confidence in their own forces.
Surely, the perspective depicted by the European official is needed for improving the tempers in the EU. At the same time, this positive rhetoric characterizes the way in which the EU is actually regarded outside. Anyway, the reality of 2015-2016 involuntarily, but justifiably decreases the level of exaggerated optimism about the internal (cohesion, solidarity) and external (unanimity) capacities of the EU.
In another development, the European official underlined the importance attached by the EU to multi-pluralism (cooperation with NATO, UN, etc.), free trade and sustainable development and human rights, including the alleviation of the effects of climate change. Also, the European security wasn’t omitted by Mogherini in her speech. She even underlined the EU’s role of global security provider.
Reminding about the efforts made by the EU to create a European defense fund, Mogherini confirmed the synergies inside the EU towards a more militarily self-sufficient and autonomous Union. U.S. President Donald Trump’s hesitations about NATO and the multiplication and globalization of security crises in the neighborhood of the EU and not only seem to accelerate the European ambitions as regards defense and security.
However, Mogherini’s message clearly shows that the Europeans’ priority migrates from economy to security. But this thing should not be confounded with any intention of the EU to replace NATO, which is a crucial liaison in the transatlantic dialogue. The EU’s objective is to fill the existing gaps and to adjust the EU policies to the new realities in terms of security.
Russia criticizes the West
The position stated by Sergey Lavrov, who is one of the Russian foreign affairs ministers with the longest term in office, was full of reproaches to the West. All the current problems, related to the erosion of security, were attributed to the West, which, according to Lavrov, refused to accept a multipolar world.
It is not for the first time that Russia accuses NATO, which is described as a reminiscence of the Cold War, and the enlargement of the Alliance for the fact that this led to the destabilization of the situation in Europe. Contrary to these accusations, not NATO, but Russia is the one that provoked stirred up conflicts in Europe, like the war in Georgia in 2008, annexation of Crimea and fueling of militarized separatism in Eastern Ukraine starting with 2014, not speaking about the perpetuation of the frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet area.
Lavrov’s criticism also referred to the West’s attempts to democratize the Middle East and Northern Africa, which failed, according to the minister.
He also rejected the accusations that Russia aims to create new centers of influence in the world or to detonate the global liberal system. The Russian official shifted all the responsibility onto the West, which, according to him, invented the political and economic globalization in order to establish the supremacy of an elitist group of countries onto the others.
A natural question appears thus – if Russia does not really aim to destroy the Western projects, why does it wage information wars in favor of the anti-European populists who promise to weaken or even destroy the European projects? There is also evidence that financial assistance is even provided to particular Euro-skeptical movements (Popular Front of France) through Russian banks.
In particular, during the last four years the European decision makers received repeated confirmations that Russia’s statements are diametrically opposed to its actions. That’s why the accusations made by Lavrov in Munich were dedicated less to the Europeans and more to the Russian public and designed to fuel the Russian propaganda.
European model is a blend of hard and soft powers?
Mogherini’s speech also revealed a very clear opposition to the idea of using a purely and exclusively military approach to deal with security challenges. The European way to work on global security, combining hard and soft power, but in an intelligent way, was given as an example.
According to her, the European model and the hard-soft manifestation of the European power actually consists in the investment in powerful societies, resilience of states, human rights, democracy, good governance, jobs, education. These types of investment are regarded by Mogherini as investment in the European security. This way she raised again the objectives of the new EU Global Strategy. According to this document that was published in the summer of 2016, the EU lays emphasis on the consolidation of European democracies and protection of international law. The strategy also focuses on the prevention of insecurity, including by strengthening the neighborhood, in particular in the Eastern Partnership counties (IPN, July 2016).
Finally, Federica Mogherini invoked as provocation the behavior of the players who see constraints in rules (based on international law) instead of treating them as collective guarantees. This way she referred both to the Russian unilateralism that produces fissures in the architecture of the European security or in the Middle East (Syria) and to the recent actions of the Trump administration in terms of international humanitarian law (bans on refugees, etc.).
Russia suggests a post-Western world and post-false
The solution proposed by Sergey Lavrov is creating a post-Western world for ensuring the functioning of international order (Mid.ru, February 2017). This envisions a democratic and equitable order. Each country, in a sovereign way and on the basis of international law, will be able to establish a balance between the own national interests and partners’ interests by respecting the culture-historical and civilizational identity.
Lavrov’s proposal runs yet counter to the Western values such as human rights and the rule of law, which Russia started to hunt and limit to a maximum during the last decade. In fact, the post-Western order proposed by Lavrov exactly matches the principles of Eurasian ideology. This opposes the interference and extension of the European values to Russia and the whole post-Soviet area that is treated like Russia’s ‘backyard’.
The political regime of Moscow continuously looks for sustainable methods for ensuring its continuity. This can be ensured only by suppressing the democratic manifestations such as human rights, freedom of the media, etc. The political competition, correct electoral process or human rights are incompatible with any authoritarian political system similar to Russia’s.
Furthermore, Lavrov accused the EU of spreading Russophobia and of imposing this in the 28 member states based on the principle of solidarity. This runs counter to the reality because the opinions formed about the Russian authorities derive strictly from Russia’s behavior. Unlike the Russian press, most of which is used in the information war against the West, the mass media in Europe is more objective and provides facts. That’s why namely Russia can be accused of spreading feelings of hatred towards the EU among the Russians and even among the European citizens.
To annul any complicity in the information wars of Russia, Lavrov invites the international partners to enter a ‘post-false’ stage. We will yet see if the Russian authorities, on this occasion, stop to finance Russia Today or Sputnik, which daily disseminate false and/or erroneous news in the global information area.
Instead of conclusion…
The existential crises experienced by the EU (refugee crisis, emergence of anti-European populists, Russian information war, etc.) tests the durability of the European project. The investment in defense and society should be made as swiftly as possible.
Meanwhile, the EU should not forget about the insecurities in its neighborhood to the resolving of which it should contribute better earlier than too late.
Also, Sergey Lavrov’s proposal about the post-Western order should be treated seriously as it directly refers to the existence of the Western system in its current form. Lavrov’s message should be interpreted as an alarm signal for open societies, of Western type, which are seen as incompatible with the Eurasian cultural and civilizational identity of Russia.
The opposing views of the EU and Russia reveal numerous problems that countries like Moldova will have to deal with. At any authentic rapprochement with the European area, countries like Moldova are to anticipate even more repressions than now on the part of Russia, which is determined to push the international community towards a post-Western world.
Dionis Cenușa is a politologist, holding an MA degree in interdisciplinary European studies from the College of Europe.
Areas of interes: European integration, European policies, EU's foreign policy, migration and energy security.
Follow Dionis Cenuşa on Twitter
IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.
Dionis Cenușa
See related articles:
- "Multi-vector" foreign policy and European integration: the realities of Serbia, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Differentiated European accession: the imminent decoupling of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- (Geo)political polarization in Georgia and Moldova and what is at stake for the EU and Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Prevalence of the geopolitical factor in the EU accession agenda of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The new EU defense agenda and the dynamics in Eastern Europe. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Forecasts for Eastern Europe in 2024: The crisis of EU influence and the electoral renewal of autocracies. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Hungarian-Russian factor and the Ukrainian dimension of the EU's eastern enlargement. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Middle East crisis and the European perspective for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- The Transnistrian conflict settlement: three scenarios in the context of the geostrategic interests of Moldova, Ukraine and Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The Cyprus precedent, the post-Soviet “frozen conflicts” and the European agenda of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The effects of the anti-government protests in Georgia and Moldova on the EU positions. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Russia and the geopolitical costs of war: the "frozen conflicts" in Moldova and Azerbaijan. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia on the road to the EU: 5 principles to make reforms more efficient. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Bringing Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia closer to the EU: a multi-speed progress. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Disinhibiting EU strategic thinking under the pressure of Russian militarist revisionism: breaking European "taboos". Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Preventing Russian-origin threats in 2023: three priorities for risk reduction for the West. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- "Reshaping" of regional critical infrastructure under the impact of war: the case of Ukraine, Russia and the EU. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The energy crisis in Moldova and support for reunification with Romania, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Ukraine's critical infrastructure vs. Russia's energy positioning - the "war of nerves". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The parameters of Western aid to Ukraine and Moldova: preparation for the “Russian winter”. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Russian Tactics against Ukraine and Moldova: Ramifications of the Energy Crises. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Russian attacks on critical infrastructure: risks for Ukraine's resilience and implications for the EU. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The new scenarios of Russian aggression in the light of the illegal annexation of southeastern Ukraine. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- Moldova-Russia relations: between anti-governmental protests and gas blackmail. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- Russia's gas war and the EU's resilience test: three Russian goals and three European dilemmas. Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- The de-oligarchization of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia: the EU condition for advancing the European perspective. Analysis by Dionis Cenuşa
- Georgia and Moldova: Comparative analysis of state resilience and risks of Russian origin. Analysis of Dionis Cenusa
- EU sanctions and Russia's energy weapon - solidarity versus fragmentation. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova and the candidacy for the EU: between the loss of legitimacy and the need for a national dialogue. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- EU membership candidacy: internal and geopolitical differences between Ukraine and Moldova. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The race for EU membership status: the three scenarios for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- EU energy autonomy and "crisis" of sanctions against Russia: between blockades and new alternatives. Aanalysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Regional insecurity and the search for resilience for Moldova - based on EU or NATO assistance? Analysis by Dionis Cenusa
- New trends in aggression against Ukraine, Western sanctions and Russian energy weapon
- Moldova and Georgia's Dialogue with the EU and NATO: Seeking External Attention and Resources for State Resilience. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The "new" European agenda of Moldova, the unification with Romania and the separation of the Transnistria region. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Sanctions against Russia to save Ukraine and the Chinese factor, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The Russian invasion and the "rivalry" of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia for accession to the EU. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Russian crisis 2.0: Ukraine's demands towards the West in the face of new scenarios in Moscow. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- The role of EU assistance in Moldova's detachment from Russia. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Ukrainianization of European security: Why is Russia acting now? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Top Seven Forecasts for the Eastern Partnership in 2022: Stress Test for Local Reforms and Pressure from Regional Geopolitical Competition. Analysis of Dionis Cenușa
- Top 5 advances and challenges in the EaP in 2021: pro-EU resilience and new sources of regional instability. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Germany's post-Merkel foreign policy: more pro-European in Eastern Europe, tougher on Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova's foreign policy - between "interconnection" with Romania and "balancing" with Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The migration crisis in Belarus, the EU’s weaknesses and the scenarios of the Lukashenko regime. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Drawing lessons from Moldova on EU energy security and the Russian monopoly. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Russia's intentions to counter Western influence in the CIS space, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Revitalizing the EU-Moldova dialogue: between geopolitical enthusiasm, “historical moment” and local limitations, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Between EU expectations and the political reality in Georgia and Moldova: contradictions and risks, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The Post-Merkel Era and the Fate of Eastern Europeans: Continuation of European Integration and Restoration of Territorial Integrity, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Resuscitation of Russia-Moldova relations and the impact of the European vector. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Resolving territorial conflicts in the Eastern Partnership: In search of a personalized EU approach, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Georgia-Moldova-Ukraine “Association” Triangle: Deepening EU Integration and the “Shield” Against Russian Influence, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- EU Economic Sanctions and Vulnerability of the Eastern Partnership to Belarusian Precedent. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Early Elections in Moldova and the Geopolitical Power of the Diaspora. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Deepening differentiation within the Eastern Partnership and the emergence of the pan-European "Trio". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Oligarchy in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine: between withdrawal, regrouping and “re-education”. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Public Attitudes in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine towards the EU - between Adoration and Moderation. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Adjusting the visa-free regime with the EU for Eastern Europeans - from the pandemic to the "green pass". Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- "Sputnik V" at the EU border and Russia's targets in Moldova, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The signs of “vaccine diplomacy” in Moldova: Romania's advantages over Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU’s calculus in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - navigating between political crises, reforms and the "shadows" of Russia. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- Anticipating Russia's reaction to future EU sanctions: division, disinformation or destabilization? Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- EU-Russia relationship in 2021 - between "distorted pragmatism" and "resilient foreign policy", Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Re-Europeanization of Moldova's foreign policy and the EU's position on the Moldovan political crisis, Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Top eight forecasts for Eastern Partnership states in 2021 - between “contestation” and “renewal”. Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The Eastern Partnership's Top 5 Opportunities and Challenges in 2020, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU, the "Magnitsky Act" and targeting autocrats in the Eastern neighborhood. Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova-Russia relationship and the post-Dodon transition - between “rational” and “emotional” approaches, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- Informational resilience near the eastern borders of the EU, Analysis by Dionis Cenușă
- The EU's eastern neighborhood at a new crossroad - between electoral riddles and security crises, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Moldova - presidential elections without a "geopolitical vote"? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The perspective of Russia, China and the EU on the political crisis in Belarus - between intervention, support and influence, analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- Belarus - a new "velvet revolution" in the Eastern Partnership? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The „darlings” of the EU conditionality mechanism - Georgia, Moldova or Ukraine? Analysis by Dionis Cenușa
- The effects of EU actions in Moldova - financial assistance and the opposition’s contradictions. Analysis
- Germany’s Presidency in the EU Council and the Eastern Partnership’s future: A Guide to handling an "uncomfortable" reality, analysis
- The EU's political agenda and the "moving sands" in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, analysis
- The EU's conditionality and fighting Euroscepticism in Eastern Partnership, Op-Ed
- The Eurasian Union and the health crisis: lacking integration and geopolitical ambitions, Op-Ed
- NATO’s solidarity and the Russian factor: the tough lesson of state resilience, Op-Ed
- China and Russia – the health diplomacy and the "fragmentation” of Europe, Op-Ed
- On the effects of the Pandemic – between European solidarity and the Eastern neighbourhood's resilience, Op-Ed
- The "falling governments" in Moldova and Ukraine: Four similarities and two differences, Op-Ed
- European integration in the EU's neighbourhood: With or without "de-geopoliticization”?, Op-Ed
- “Macronization” of EU-Russia ties and effects on Eastern neighborhood, Op-Ed
- Moldova-Romania unification, migration and European integration in the East, Op-Ed
- Immobilization of the oligarchs in Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: mission (im)possible? Op-Ed
- Ten forecasts for 2020: “Geopolitization” of the oligarchy in Moldova and EU-Russia rapprochement, Op-Ed
- Year of "Shortened" Europtimism in Moldova: Top 3 Successes and Setbacks in 2019. Op-Ed
- Romania-Moldova dialogue: from “calm tone” to the conditionality regime, Op-Ed
- Traumatized European perspective in EU’s vicinity and the Moldovan echoes, Op-Ed
- EU-Moldova dialogue: Is there European integration after Maia Sandu’s government?, Op-Ed
- Enlargements "in between" the EU and the Eurasian Union: Serbia and Moldova as showcase, Op-Ed
- EU macro-financial aid for Moldova: objective rewarding or political stimulation?, OP-ED
- Russia, the EU and the restoring geopolitical coexistence along the Kiev-Chisinau-Tbilisi line, Op-Ed
- Moldova’s government of reform and the European "credit of trust"
- Moldova's "balanced" foreign policy, the Paris-Moscow axis and the Ukrainian dossier, Op-Ed
- Moldova’s fragile government and the European agenda by 2020, OP-ED
- Unlocking European Assistance for Moldova: with or without conditionality?, OP-ED
- "Anti-oligarchic spring" or temporary illusions in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Surrendering oligarchic regime, re-launching of European integration in Moldova and Russia’s agenda, OP-ED
- Moldova’s political crisis: Overcoming the geopolitical complex and the "captured state", OP-ED
- Political speeds in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: in search of a “virtuous circle”, OP-ED
- Intersection of geopolitical symbols in Moldova: between Soviet past and rights of sexual minorities, OP-ED
- Visa liberalization in Moldova after five years: weaknesses of good governance and comparisons to Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Post-electoral Moldova: between Russia’s warnings, absence of EU and snap elections, OP-ED
- (Geo)political behavior of Presidents of Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: between fluctuating perceptions and realities, OP-ED
- Formation of post-electoral coalition in Moldova and Moscow’s benefits, OP-ED
- Diaspora’s power in the Moldovan Elections - Between Perceptions and Realities, OP-ED
- Attitudes of citizens of Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia towards EU and paradoxes of polls, OP-ED
- Ten forecasts for 2019: Reconfiguration of European agenda in Moldova and the rule of law crisis in EU, OP-ED
- Year of disruptions in Moldova’s European integration: Top 3 accomplishments and failures in 2018, OP-ED
- Deficiencies of European conditionality and survival of Moldova political class, OP-ED
- Warning about suspension of visa-free regime for Moldova and synergy of EU criticism, OP-ED
- Difficult coexistence between civil society and oligarchic regimes in Moldova and Georgia, OP-ED
- Failure to insert the European integration in Moldova’s Constitution: losers and winners
- Future of Association Agreements in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: local, European and Russian factors, OP-ED
- Opportunities of extraparliamentary opposition, fears of government and positioning towards EU, OP-ED
- Scanning of EU macro-financial assistance to Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia: frontrunners and laggards, OP-ED
- Decay of EU-Moldova relations until a new electoral test, OP-ED
- Antigovernment protests, government’s stratagems and European agenda of Moldova, OP-ED
- Discrepancies between Chisinau and EU and intention to make use of Russian factor, OP-ED
- Is Moldova’s case a dangerous precedent for EU’s relations with Ukraine and Georgia? OP-ED
- Impact of EP resolution: from political crisis of government to attack on EU’s image in Moldova, OP-ED
- Deterioration of EU-Moldova dialogue and calculations of Moldovan government, OP-ED
- Invalidation of elections in Chisinau, government scenarios and EU reaction, OP-ED
- Romanian Presidency of Council of EU and political-energy context in Moldova, OP-ED
- Social protests amid European integration: Why do citizens in Georgia protest more often than those in Moldova? OP-ED
- Impact of rapprochement between EU and Russia on Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, OP-ED
- Foreign multi-vectorialism of President Dodon and post-electoral geopolitical uncertainties, OP-ED
- Moldova’s energy dependence, avoidance of transparency and ignoring of debt for Russian gas, OP-ED
- EU and limits of “strict conditionality” in relation to Moldova, OP-ED
- Role and implications of (Euro)unionism in Moldova, OP-ED
- Georgia’s European aspirations and lessons to be learned by Moldova, OP-ED
- Regeneration of Putin regime and implications for EaP and Moldova, OP-ED
- (Geo)political scenarios for parliamentary elections of Moldova, OP-ED
- Moldova and EU: a dialogue clogged up with old problems and new expectations, OP-ED
- Diagnosis of oligarchy in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia and de-oligarchization solutions, OP-ED
- EU assistance for Moldova, hastening of reforms and government’s survival, OP-ED
- European integration, import of EU legislation and practical solutions for shaping benefits, OP-ED
- Moldova and position of EaP leader between forced reforms and advantage of regional comparison, OP-ED
- Moldova’s struggle against Russian misinformation: shortcomings and electoral calculation, OP-ED
- New visa suspension mechanism as an additional instrument targeting corruption in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia, OP-ED
- Constitutional Court, European integration and (geo)political struggle in Moldova, OP-ED
- Bulgarian presidency of EU Council and effects on Moldova, OP-ED
- Ten predictions for 2018: Electoral test for the European course, resurgence of the pro-Russian forces, OP-ED
- Nature of growth of pro-European perception and attempt to “constitutionalize” European course, OP-ED
- Struggle against Russian propaganda in Moldova, touching of U.S. and European content, OP-ED
- Moldova and prospects of joining EU – lack of political, institutional and emotional readiness on both sides, OP-ED
- Future of EaP and Moldova following Brussels Declaration – between pragmatism and local realities, OP-ED
- What do Eastern Partnership and Moldova go with to Brussels summit? OP-ED
- Moderation of Euroskepticism of President Dodon, Moldova-EU trade and resuscitation of pro-European sympathies, OP-ED
- Legitimacy of governments of EaP, survival of European course and Moldova, OP-ED
- Multiple speeds of Eastern Partnership, civil society and Moldova’s case, OP-ED
- Russia, nationalism in Europe and Moldova, OP-ED
- European integration, pro-European unionism and defects of Moldovan government, OP-ED
- Pro-reform agenda instead of blocking of macro-financial assistance, OP-ED
- Mandate of new Head of EU Delegation to Moldova and first major challenge, OP-ED
- EU’s mission in Eastern neighborhood and Moldova: stimulation of development or European integration? OP-ED
- Magnetization of Eastern Partnership, Russia’s role and implications for Moldova, OP-ED
- Civil society: agents of influence or sanitarians of political system. OP-ED
- European integration in Moldova: elitist project or not?, OP-ED
- Moldova on 26th anniversary of independence: between sustainability and Europeanization, Op-Ed
- The end of Pirkka Tapiola’s tenure, the pro-Russian president and the pro-European oligarch, OP-ED
- Chisinau’s bet: Macro-financial assistance and EU recognition, Op-Ed
- Moldova and “stabilitocracy” in European neighborhood, OP-ED
- Re-evaluation of Moldova-EU Association Agreement: solution or new uncertainties? OP-ED
- EU’s reaction to introduction of mixed electoral system: pragmatism or weakness, OP-ED
- External financing of civil society, government pressure and European integration, OP-ED
- Stimulation of reforms in Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine: new conditionality vs European perspective
- Estonian presidency of EU Council and implications for Moldova
- Restoration of power supplies from Transnistrian region and weakness of European factor, Op-Ed
- Venice Commission, mixed-member electoral system and European assistance, OP-ED
- Role of President Dodon for Russia and implications for European integration, OP-ED
- Priorities of Eastern Partnership until 2020 and how Moldova can benefit from these, OP-ED
- European values versus traditional values and geopolitical subtext in Moldova, OP-ED
- European agenda, civil society and confrontation with government, OP-ED
- Three scenarios concerning fate of EU macro-financial assistance for Moldova, OP-ED
- Halt in EU funding versus uninominal voting system in Moldova, OP-ED
- How did Moldova become a ”captured state”? OP-ED
- Natural disasters in Moldova and opportunities of relationship with EU, OP-ED
- Moldova after three years of visa-free regime with EU and new European realities, OP-ED
- Can Memorandum with Eurasian Union diminish Moldova’s European agenda? OP-ED
- Hidden concerns of EU and adaptability of government, Op-Ed
- Moldova forced to combine CIS and Eurasian Union with European integration, OP-ED
- Pro-reform approach of EU and pro-Russian plans of President Dodon, OP-ED
- Multi-speed in EU and its neighborhood: Where is Moldova? OP-ED
- Pro-European sympathies and role of pro-EU opposition, OP-ED
- Presidential administration vs government: between political coexistence and geopolitical antagonism, OP-ED
- Association Agreement with EU and paradoxes of President Dodon, OP-ED
- EU dilemma: to criticize government or to combat Euro-skeptical propaganda of pro-Russian President? OP-ED
- Parallel dialogues between EU and Moldova and Russian-Eurasian factor, OP-ED
- Is DCFTA implemented in Transnistrian region or not? OP-ED
- Populism and European integration in Moldova, Op-Ed
- Difficult mission: advancing of Europeanization and restoration of relations with Russia, OP-ED
- Eastern Partnership becomes more ‘practical’. What does Moldova gain? OP-ED
- About ‘application for accession’ to EU and Moldova’s homework, OP-ED IPN
- Energy interconnection with EU: Recipe for diminishing dependence on Transnistria and Russia
- Europeans’ tactic in relation to Chisinau: Reforms here and now, Op-Ed
- Georgia, liberalization of visas with EU and implications for Moldova
- Chisinau accelerates reforms to seduce European Union
- Europeans again in Chisinau: between dialogue with government and protest leaders
- Deciphering EU’s position on Moldova: Real significance versus mistakes and omissions
- Schengen crisis: Does it affect visa-free regime for Moldova or not?
- Western and Russian press about protests in Chisinau: between misinformation and manipulation
- Reactions of EU and U.S. to new anti-government protests in Chisinau
- Idea of early elections in Moldova: New pro-Europeans in Chisinau – “yes”, voices from Brussels - “better no”
- EU under Dutch presidency and allusions to Moldova
- EU in Moldova: recipe for reanimating European course in 2016