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| Anatol Țăranu | |
In the year that ended, it was 100 years since the creation of the Moldovan ghost state entity on the left bank of the Nistru, called the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (MASSR). The creation of this so-called republic, in 1924, was presented by Soviet propaganda as a generous measure of the communist regime, meant to support the ethno-cultural development of the Moldovans on the left bank of the Nistru. However, in reality, the Moldovans/Romanians represented only a third of the population of this autonomous unit, most of the inhabitants being Ukrainians and Russians.
At the origins of the autonomous unit
The idea of creating a Moldovan autonomous entity was born in Moscow, in the circles of Romanian émigré communists active within the Comintern (Communist International). They played an essential role in formulating and promoting the project, which was based on the Soviets' refusal to recognize the union of Bessarabia with Romania in 1918, as well as on the expansionist plans of the USSR to recover this territory. The creation of the MASSR on the left bank of the Nistru was a strategic maneuver, through which Moscow aimed to consolidate its claims on Bessarabia and to create preconditions for eventual reannexation. Thus, the Moldovan autonomous unit served as a political instrument to justify and prepare the territorial expansion of the Soviet Union in the region.
From the beginning, within the Comintern, there were two main approaches in terms of the policy towards the territories inhabited by Romanians in Bessarabia and the neighboring regions. The first was represented by the followers of the so-called "Romanianization" current, who claimed that the Moldovan population was an integral part of the Romanian nation, and the Moldovan language was only a dialect of the Romanian language. This vision was promoted especially by the Romanian communists affiliated to the Comintern, who aimed to expand the proletarian revolution in Romania.
The second current, called "Moldavian", promoted the idea that the Moldavians constitute a separate nation from the Romanians, having a distinct language. According to the supporters of this concept, the creation of a Moldavian republic within the USSR would serve as a basis for attracting Bessarabia into the Soviet sphere of influence.
The conflicts between these two conceptual currents decisively influenced the formation of the MASSR and determined the content of the Soviet identity policies applied to the Moldovans/Romanians in the territories eastward the Prut. Although both currents were motivated by the interest of communist expansion, they differed in their final objectives. The "Romanians" saw the world revolution as the main path, while the "Moldavians" pursued a narrow goal: the reconquest of Bessarabia and its integration into the USSR.
In the end, the "Moldovan" current emerged victorious in this confrontation. The Soviet imperialist interest, focused on the annexation of Bessarabia, prevailed over the global vision of the world revolution promoted by the Comintern. Thus, the creation of the MASSR reflected Moscow's geopolitical priorities rather than international revolutionary ideals.
Birth of anti-Romanian Moldovenism
The Soviet policy in the MASSR pursued through the harshest methods the idea of the existence of a Moldovan nation distinct from the Romanian one. Thus, a Moldovan language, written in the Cyrillic alphabet, was imposed in the MASSR, and the Moldovan cultural identity, separated from the Romanian one, was developed through totalitarian state policies. The Soviets were not stopped by the fact that they themselves recognized the Moldovan language, used in the MASSR as an archaic variant of the Moldovan language, with Ukrainian and Russian influences, and unsuitable for supporting an advanced culture.
The Moldovan Soviet autonomous unit, programmed by communist propaganda as a mechanism for the culturalization of ethnic Moldovans, actually produced a depressing experiment of identity deconstruction through denationalization and mankurtization of the natives. In this way, the MASSR developed into a laboratory where the Soviet model of social and linguistic engineering was experimented, where the Moldovan language and culture were artificially shaped in order to comply with the Soviet expansionist policy, this experiment being, after 1940, implemented in Bessarabia as well.
The Moldovan Soviet autonomy, presented by communist propaganda as a mechanism of emancipation and culturalization of ethnic Moldovans, was, in reality, a gloomy experiment in identity deconstruction. Through policies of denationalization and mankurtization, the natives were detached from their historical and cultural roots. Thus, the MASSR functioned as a laboratory of social and linguistic engineering, in which the language and culture of the Moldovans/Romanians were artificially remodeled, in order to serve the expansionist objectives of the USSR. This experiment, tested and perfected on the left bank of the Nistru, was later implemented in Bessarabia, after its annexation in 1940, becoming an instrument of control and assimilation of the local population.
As practice showed, the establishment of the MASSR was not motivated by a genuine desire to protect the rights of Moldovans, but represented a strategic project of the USSR, meant to justify the claims on Bessarabia. To achieve this goal, the Soviets experimented by creating a Moldavian identity distinct from the Romanian one. This project achieved its objective in 1940, when Bessarabia was annexed by the USSR, and the MASSR was integrated into the newly established Moldavian SSR.
Moldovenism as a state policy in Moldavian SSR
After the formation of the Moldavian SSR, the Soviet authorities implemented policies that artificially emphasized the "differences" between Moldovans and Romanians. It was supported the idea that the Moldavians speak a language separate from the Romanian one, called the "Moldavian language", written in the Cyrillic alphabet. Soviet historiography was used to present Romanians and Moldavians as two distinct peoples with separate histories. Historical figures, such as Stephen the Great, were reinterpreted in a scientifically aberrant way, eliminating any connection with Romania and promoting a historical narrative that served Soviet interests.
The "Moldavian" identity, distinct from the "Romanian" one, was a concept intensely promoted during the period of the Moldavian SSR (1940–1991), being an integral part of the Soviet policies of denationalization and the creation of "homo sovieticus". In Moldavia eastward the Prut, this identity was built through the combination of political, linguistic, educational and historical factors, with the main purpose of separating Moldovans from Romanians and justifying the inclusion of this territory into the USSR.
Intellectuals, teachers and writers who dared to promote the idea of Romanian unity were persecuted, deported or eliminated. Classical Romanian literature was subjected to censorship or reinterpreted in a "Moldavian" context, and any unionist or pro-Romanian movement was brutally repressed. Thus, Soviet policy transformed Moldova into a space of social and cultural experimentation, in which Moldovan identity was shaped to serve the imperial interests of the Soviet Union.
Legacy of Soviet Moldovan identity
Even after the declaring of Moldova's independence in 1991, the anti-Romanian Moldovan identity, built during the Soviet period, remained deeply rooted in society. Pro-Russian political parties continue to promote the idea of distinct Moldovenism, using it as a tool to maintain Russia's influence in the region. In Transnistria, for example, the Moldovan language written in the Cyrillic alphabet is still used as a symbol of separation from Romania and ties with Moscow. The censuses in the Republic of Moldova reflect a division in society: a part of the population identifies itself as "Moldovans", while others declare themselves "Romanians", illustrating an identity conflict that persists to this day.
Russian propaganda and Moldovan identity
Russian propaganda media, including Kremlin-affiliated TV channels and news agencies, along with statements by Russian officials, including spokeswoman for the Russian Foreign Ministry Maria Zakharova, actively promote the ideology of Moldovenism, aimed at discrediting Moldova's partnerships with Romania, the European Union and NATO. Messages are constantly disseminated to support Moldovenism as an instrument of identity separation, presenting European integration as a threat to the Republic of Moldova.
Instead of conclusion
The Moldovan identity of anti-Romanian origin was initially a political construction imposed by the Soviet regime with the aim of dividing the Romanian population in Bessarabia and preventing the aspirations of national rebirth in this territory. Currently, this ideology is being continued by Russia, serving the geopolitical interests of the Kremlin through the concept of the "Russian world". Moscow realizes that only in a climate of anti-Romanian Moldovenism can obedience to Russia and reluctance to European values flourish in Moldovan society.
In contrast, the Romanian identity in the Republic of Moldova represents a rejection of Russian influence and unconditional openness to the values of European civilization. It remains for this truth to be fully understood by the pro-European politicians in Chisinau, many of whom continue to maintain ambiguities in identity politics. Through such hesitations, they give Moscow the opportunity to influence the geopolitical direction of the Republic of Moldova.
IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.
