IPN analysis: On its 23rd anniversary, the Republic of Moldova represents a community of people on a territory that hasn’t yet become country, nation and motherland for all its citizens. However, on its 23rd anniversary, the Republic of Moldova hasn’t failed in all these qualities. Thus, the Republic of Moldova, on its 23rd anniversary, still has chances to become a country, nation and motherland. The chances do not realize themselves. For them to become a reality, as in the case of a building site, we need preferably modern construction materials of a high quality and builders who would know what they want and would put a model of a high quality into practice.
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Of the many criteria by which we could determine if the Republic of Moldova constituted itself or not, the most relevant one is the extent to which the man and his family feels comfortable and safe here. The answer is rather evident. Many preferred to go abroad to look for comfort and safety, while many of those who remained feel the lack of comfort and safety for themselves and for their close people.

On the one hand, from historical viewpoint, 23 years is not much. That’s why this self-building process is as natural as possible. The most powerful states on the globe formed themselves during centuries. It’s true that the current globalization and unification process does not leave too much space for maneuvering when looking for state building models. Respectively, the constitution process can and should be hastened so that we do not lag behind time. Many things can be decided at the model selection and implementation stage.

On the other hand, the building process was hampered by a number of internal and external challenges that were ordinary and less ordinary. The Transnistrian conflict is only one, oldest relevant example, even if not the most difficult and complex of all.

Traditional instruments that haven’t fully become a tradition

As any other country, the Republic of Moldova proclaimed the official language, national anthem and flag its main symbols. These symbols had and continue to have a powerful impact on the state formation process, very often as instruments forming part of it. The use of the Romanian language as official language, instead of the Russian one, and the restoration of the Latin alphabet played a separate role. Moldova’s independence derives from these two elements even if they were decreed two years before the proclamation of Independence. At the beginning, the language and alphabet and the anthem and flag had an enormous unifying and national and state entity formation potential. In time things changed in different ways…

Romanian language and Moldovan language

The Romanian language already fulfils rather well the role of mediator in the official relations given that almost all the documents in the country are written in a literary language of a rather high quality. This is a qualitatively important leap compared with this language’s state and status over 20 years ago. In the public sphere, they now more often speak a Romanian language of a high quality, though the old Soviet-rooted disease of excessive use of Russian words continues to follow it, including by the young generation that didn’t live in the Soviet period and wasn’t subject to forced Russification. In fact, the problem resides not in the infection of the langue because the linguistic influences and models are acceptable and inevitable, but rather in the fact that a part of the speakers replace the literary words they don’t know by Russian words and by regionalisms and archaisms. This fact diminishes the official language’s capacity of playing the role of free and clear communication instrument in society.

This ignorance is mainly based on the theory about the existence of differences between the Romanian language and the so-called Moldovan language. The rule here is: the less the people know the Romanian language, the more ‘Moldovan’ this language is. There are also exceptions, in the person of people, usually politicians, who have a good command of Romanian, but prefer to use the ignorance of others for their own purposes. But the biggest problem of the official language, as an instrument for building the state and the relations between its people, is related at this stage, as at the beginning, to the fact that a certain part of the population, who are mainly Russian-speakers, do not know it sufficiently well to speak it freely, do not have interest in studying it or, if they know it, avoid speaking it in public. And then, paraphrasing a well-known song – “if there is no common language, there is nothing” - there surely cannot be understanding in society.

As I wrote a year ago, “the Romanian language that unites and divides” is the official language as an instrument for ensuring the functioning and development of the state. Somebody asked me for several times how the difficult situation described in that analysis can be overcome and I have to admit that I haven’t yet found a way out. Maybe because there is no special and miraculous solution and things will return to normality in time, with the passing of years. Maybe, but only on condition that everyone realizes that it’s not possible to feel settled in a country that is not yet settled in terms of the language and communication, if no other serious challenges appear to thwart important state building processes in Moldova, as earlier.

Everyone’s anthem about the language that not everyone knows

If we speak about the national anthem of the Republic of Moldova as about another national symbol-instrument, we should further promote the message that the anthem refers also to the language and is even entitled “Our Language”. During these 23 years of independence, many people learned the national anthem and are proud when they sing it or when it is sung by others. But these people do not yet form a majority. What should we do – replace the national anthem as we did once? Won’t the replacement of the official language be requested as well? Won’t there be requested several languages and anthems? A real and acceptable solution is to improve the living conditions in this country so that they become attractive and the people from inside and even outside it are proud of the national anthem, language, flag and the Moldovan nationality, similar to the wish of many people to obtain the Moldovan passport following the abolition of the visa requirements by the EU. But considerable effort was made first to obtain this right to move freely in Europe, as an integral part of the people’s general freedom.

With Moldova’s flag to the East or the West

Instead, Moldova’s flag seems to have passed the stage when it had to impose its status. The situation has changed a lot, especially compared with the period when high-ranking officials dared to name it ‘fascist flag’. It changed because those persons are no longer high-ranking officials, while the current government functionaries show respect for it and give society a good example. Moreover, all the calm and less calm events staged by the pro-Eastern and pro-Western opposition and the government have been lately accompanied by the hoisting of Moldova’s flag, even if other flags could be flying nearby. They have also chanted “Moldova” under the flag, not “Moldavia” as earlier. The presence of the national flag at such events is designed to represent a sign of good will and good faith and it’s good if it’s so, including for the state and national building process.

Afterward, it turned out that the Moldovan tricolor can be a good and convincing alternative to the controversial Saint George’s Ribbon, which caused enough argument in Moldova and in other post-Soviet states. In Ukraine, this controversy resulted in a real war with thousands of casualties, with millions of families and fates destroyed and with villages and towns devastated.  

Over the last few years, the country’s flag has gained pride and dignity owing to the so important and useful company of the EU’s flag and the prestigious flags of all the EU member states as well as of the flags of the U.S., China and other important foreign players. It’s yet a pity that Moldova’s flag hasn’t stayed alongside the flag of Russia for a period even if the authorities do not stop saying that they want communication, dialog, cooperation and even strategic partnerships, on equal platforms, not bans and sanctions.

This way or another, unlike the other symbols, the country’s flag has a firmer status of symbol and instrument of the national unity, though this notion of ‘national unity’ needs yet to be filled with more content.

The development model as a building instrument

One of the main reasons that didn’t allow Moldova to ultimately form itself as a state, country and nation is its permanent oscillation between the Eastern and Western development models. This was partially due to the lack of clear-sightedness and appropriate experience of the Moldovan political class in the new situation. There was possibly a dose of egoism and malevolence as all the former and current governments and politicians can be suspected of pursuing often party, group or personal interests to the detriment of the national ones, when they had state instruments in hand to make this choice. All these, abundantly seasoned with all kinds of pressure exerted from abroad, the Transnistrian conflict, the bans and other restrictions determined this state of indecision that dominated the mentality of Moldovan society until now.

The novelty of the period through which the country has gone during the last few years resides in the fact that for the first time Moldova possesses all the necessary instruments to facilitate the selection of one of the two development models – the Western, European one. These instruments include a set of laws tested during decades, which, if implemented, ensure decent living conditions, democratic rights and freedoms, including a maximum of equitable justice and a minimum of devastating corruption, for the over 500 million citizens of the EU. In essence, this means the comfort and safety that the Moldovan citizens lack.

What Moldova and its people should do now to reach the same living standards is to put these laws into practice and to live according to their norms. Besides law models, the Europeans also offer all kinds of assistance, including significant financial support, for implementing them. It is a process that we call the implementation of reforms because the European laws come to replace the written and unwritten laws that we used until now, but that didn’t ensure the necessary comfort and safety in Moldova, as they didn’t do it in any of the countries of the former Soviet and Socialist area, which continue to live by the Eastern model. On the contrary, this model imminently generates poverty, unsafely, permanent armed conflicts, re-divisions of borders and worlds, selective justice and freedoms, total corruption and other phenomena of the same nature, and no kind of assistance, except for the massive financial and military support provided to the separatist regime in Moldova’s eastern region. This topic was developed in the IPN analysis “Russian World versus the Rest of the World. Moldova’s place?” that was published recently. 

The fate of this choice between the Eastern and Western models will be decided in the November 30 parliamentary elections that will have a rather geopolitical stake. This confrontation absorbed and will yet absorb incomparably great internal and external resources used to hunt votes. It is the people who will decide, but their decision significantly depends on the past and future behavior of the political class.

“Ten greater masters, journeymen and builders …”

The famous people’s ballad “Master Builder Manole”, written by the classical ‘king of poetry’ Vasile Alecsandri, is about how a team of builders could erect a large monastery only after one of them, Manole, build his dear wife Ana into the wall. A good, comfortable and safe country for everyone can be built by the same law and the Moldovan elite, especially the political one, should realize this.

No matter what we say, the Moldovan political class developed together with history in these 23 years, even if not to the extent to which we, society, and the political class itself desired. It developed from political intuition, instinct, interest and enthusiasm to a better understanding of the legalities of the world we live in, of the state interests and the chances we have in this unique historical moment. Even if not the whole political class and even if with frequent dangerous relapses for the current course, the political elite go on. Possibly many of our politicians read this touching ballad till the end and perceived its undertones or they will be able to do this in the future:

- Master Manole’s wife Ana is only a symbol as, in reality, the master build his soul and heart into that wall in order to succeed;

- The ten masters were different, but realized the necessity of sacrificing themselves and were ready to do the same, each of them;

- There were “ten great masters”, which means that there were more masters there. That master who exists in the ballad besides the ten, who probably considered himself unique, ordered killing the masters. There is also a significant name in the ballad – the Black Ruler. Those who consider themselves ‘unique’ always resort to such orders that are destructive for the Masters and the Country;

- The ten masters died when they completed the construction and ‘took nothing with them’;

- Those who claim to be Masters or, newly called the ‘elite’, remain tertium non datur in the Ballad or in the Curse;

- Nobody makes you to call yourself ‘Master’. If you are unable to, you step aside.

If our elite haven’t yet realized this reality, they have yet time until this autumn’s elections. It’s yet clear that there is no time for cheap airs, fuss and dissension because the ten entered the ballad together, not partially and not separately, and probably they knew they all face the curse. It is the curse of failing to take the chance by dissidence or disqualification in the job.

Practically, we can say the same things about other groups of Masters forming part of the Moldovan elite, including people of culture, the Church, and civil society organizations.  

Society / Nation as an instrument, master and object of the construction

But the most difficult and complex thing that prevented the definitive constitution of the Republic of Moldova, which, as I said, is a more difficult and complex process than the Transnistrian conflict, is the ability of each member of this society to overcome the disagreements we face separately and all together. On the 23rd anniversary, Moldovan society remains dangerously divided according to linguistic, ethnical, political, ideological, territorial and other criteria. Today, as earlier, the political class exploits these disagreements, intensifying them for internal and external group or party interests. Today even more because the stake is now greater than ever – the first and, I fear, the last chance of integrating into a better world.

It’s true that time and human reason, often despite the political factor, contribute to the gradual homogenization of Moldovan society, transforming it slowly into a ‘Moldovan civic nation’. This process is at the incipient stage, but it is the only thing by which we can achieve the European model “all different, all equal”, which would be the guarantee of our peaceful coexistence on this piece of land: those who consider themselves Moldovans, Romanians, Ukrainians, Russians, Bulgarians, Gagauz people, etc. This equality by difference and difference by equality means maintenance of the identity of all the existing people and groups with the conscious acceptance of the things of principle we have in common: a language that we will all know and that will help us understand each other, an anthem, a flag, a development model and a common territory, history and country as well as dreams and chances that we can realize only together. All the peoples, countries and nations that managed to rise from the knees, mainly from the European area, managed to do it because they did so. There is no other way out.

There is no other peaceful solution. The Ukrainian nation, for example, is forming itself now in conditions of war. The Ukrainians, as the Moldovans and other peoples from the former Soviet Union, got independence as a gift. Only during these 23 years the people started to realize the full meaning and responsibility for this independence. The crises like that faced by Ukraine aim to slow down, if not stop, these natural historical processes. For Moldovan society, for example, the attitude to the war in Ukraine created a new demarcation line that is probably the most profound one. This line places us on different sides of history. It turned out that Moldovan society includes an alarmingly large number of people and categories of people who sincerely believe that the insurgents and rebels, as some call them, or the separatist and terrorists, as others call them, have the right to start wars, with all the inevitable consequences, guided by the feeling of exclusiveness of a people or a language “If they can in Ukraine, why can’t we in Moldova at a time when they could in the case of Transnistria?”. This is probably how they think. Europe got rid of such mentality and its bearers in 1945. The theme of such dangers was developed in the IPN analysis “War-related damage caused by regional crisis to Moldova” that was made during the first part of the Ukraine crisis.  

Are the people of Moldova reasonable enough to build their own life, country and nation by peaceful and tested ways so as to feel comfortable and safe at home? Will they use the necessary instruments and appropriate models and will they choose the suitable masters for this? How much time do they need for this? It would be good if we answered affirmatively the first questions in a period during which we, all those who now live in the Republic of Moldova now, could benefit from the results.

Valeriu Vasilică, IPN