IPN Interview with Juris Poikāns, Latvia's Ambassador-at-Large for Eastern Partnership (EaP) Matters, a post recently created in line with Latvia's preparation of its Presidency of the EU Council in 2015. Its agenda is yet to be formulated, but one thing to be sure of is that Latvia will work to deepen EU's ties with EaP countries, including Moldova. In this interview, the freshly appointed Ambassador Juris Poikāns discusses Moldova's European prospects as well as the troubles that Moldova and other EaP countries is seeming to have with Russia as they build closer ties with the EU.
- Your post of Ambassador-at-Large for EaP Matters within Latvia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been created just weeks ago. Should we assume this visit to Moldova is your first official trip in this capacity? Why Moldova?
- Actually, this is not my first visit to Moldova. The first time was maybe in 2005 and this one is the fifth, if I'm not mistaken. So I trust I've come to know your country quite well. Why Moldova? I believe because our bilateral relationship has developed rather intensely: we have a vast body of bilateral agreements and we share very active political ideals.
Latvia, like Moldova, is seen as a small country on the map of Europe and it seems to me that we can understand each other better than maybe some other countries can. So this visit to Moldova is only natural. I'm very glad to be here in Chisinau again, and I trust that, until the end of our (EU) Presidency in 2015, it's not my last visit here.
- Your position appeared as part of your country's preparations to assume the Presidency of the EU Council in the first half of 2015. Has Latvia already formulated its main goals for this role?
- Conceptually, we already know that the Eastern Partnership will take one of the leading positions in our Presidency's agenda. This we did formulate. But we still need to wait for the results of the upcoming Vilnius Summit. I think that our Presidency of the EU Council, our tasks, will be contingent to a great extent on those agreements that will be reached in Vilnius.
We are now working on our agenda to define what events we could organize within the framework of the Eastern Partnership. As already known, Riga will traditionally host a summit, somewhere around May 2015, but we wouldn't like this to be our sole direction of work, and instead work on a more general level to build ties within the Eastern Partnership. This includes holding all sorts of seminars and conferences on topics that could interest all the Eastern Partners, including Moldova. I think we'll have events dedicated to the agricultural sector – a subject which is very important for Moldova, as well as events on the rule of law, integrated border management, and so on.
- Indeed, before Riga holds its summit in 2015, Moldova will need to pass the test of the Vilnius Summit and see its Association Agreement with the EU initialed later this month, and perhaps obtain its signing and ratification in 2014. Do you think Moldova will succeed in this?
- I do think that Moldova made a great deal of progress on this path towards the EU. So, in this sense, the initialing of the Agreement in Vilnius is a great success for Moldova's foreign policy. This is a very important document, which provides for political association and the creation of a deep free trade area. Latvia's position in this regard is straightforward: once it is initialed, it must be signed as well.
We very much hope – and I think Moldova hopes the same – that the Agreement could be signed in the course of 2014. I believe this is absolutely attainable. But most importantly, before things move on to the signing stage, it is essential that Moldova continues its course of reforms. Issues do exist with these reforms, but obviously your government is working to resolve them and progress will be achieved eventually in such areas as rule of law, enhanced business climate, and others.
- Let's take the issue of Moldova's European integration efforts even further. Do you think Moldova has a chance to eventually become a EU member? Because the Vilnius Summit, the Riga Summit make sense only if there is the prospect of EU membership ahead.
- As I already mentioned, Moldova has made considerable headway. But yes, I guess the issue of the European prospect concerns many people in Moldovan society and politics. Things in Europe have not been going at their best lately and if we are to look at the scope of the Eastern Partnership, this initiative does not stipulate the eventuality of EU membership. But this is one side of the Eastern Partnership.
The other side is that, I think, patience is a virtue. After the Association Agreement is hopefully initialed later this month and signed in 2014, a crucial process will be its practical implementation, with the free trade area being of particular importance in this regard. Further progress depends tremendously on successful implementation. Then, Moldova has done a lot to prepare for the introduction of visa-free travel. This is another step towards tighter relations between Moldova and the EU.
I think this is how we need to move on, step by step, and the question of EU membership, if Moldova continues its reformist drive, will automatically pop up sooner or later. Today this question is not yet ripe for discussion. However, looking at the recent history of the Baltic states, though we may have started this process a little earlier, one can remember that we, too, had to face a great deal of skepticism from many partners during those years.
But if we are to look at what happened on the political map of Europe in the last 15 years – think of the accession of the Baltic states, of the Visegrad Group nations, of the very recent accession of Croatia, of the integration prospects for Balkan countries, so if we look at this big common map of Europe, I think that, contingent on reforms and on how much will there is on the part of both society and politicians, Moldova's prospect will not be overlooked.
- Lately we have been asking our guests, especially from countries with which we share a common past, either with EU aspirations or already with EU membership, how has this rapprochement benefited the ordinary person, in this case the ordinary Latvian? This is to clarify the ordinary Moldovan whether he should or shouldn't aspire to reach Europe…
- We also have in our society both voices that are critical and supportive of our EU member status. I think that a first benefit of getting closer to the EU for the ordinary Moldovan is, as I mentioned above, the opportunity to travel to Europe visa-free. This is very important. Secondly, very important for Moldova's youth is the opportunity to get education in the universities of EU countries.
Thirdly, and some may find it arguable – some criticize them and others say it's something good – nevertheless, I must mention the European standards that are required in such areas as consumer protection, the industrial or the agricultural sector. These standards are among the highest in the world. And every Moldovan can personally experience the quality of European products, for example.
Yet another indisputable advantage of approaching the EU: the government of Moldova must now work very intensively to introduce European norms into the Moldovan legislation and subsequently implement them. This means that practically the European Union provides a stimulus towards the reformation of the country, which eventuality always benefits the citizens. This is not to say that the European Union can solve all the problems overnight.
I believe that when one has the feeling that Europe is getting closer and closer, gradually through the implementation of standards, through education, through changes in the judicial system or the economic system, through combating of corruption, certain conditions are created which, maybe not today, but eventually will deliver tangible results for every citizen of Moldova.
What also must be noted is that both Latvia and Moldova experience a concerning trend of people leaving the country. Getting closer to Europe implies acquiring a certain standard of quality, and this allows the opportunity to attract investment, create new jobs, and keep people at home. But this, again, isn't a process that occurs overnight, yet it provides a certain prospect. Latvia, for example, is expected to join the eurozone shortly, but this doesn't mean that change will happen instantly and automatically.
Likewise for Moldova, which is yet taking the first steps, this is a path that not only gives one the feeling of being part of Europe and its values, it will eventually produce results as well.
As for Latvia, we were also a little too over-expective: we've been a EU member country for ten years now, our lives have improved and we've been making progress, but this doesn't happen that fast. There are many other things that count in this process besides the membership status itself. As concerns reforms, for example in the education system or in improving the business climate, no one else will do that for the government of Moldova. I mean that in the end, regardless of everything – and this is what makes the European Union essentially different from the Soviet Union – eventually the EU, and this is a union of countries with equal rights, doesn't attempt to solve the problems for a country, but instead gives a stable basis for the development of that country.
- Lately a few countries in the Eastern Partnership, including Moldova, have seen a strain in their relationship with Russia, which is explained by many politicians and experts on some sort of jealousy because of their European aspirations. How do you think these frictions will develop, will they fade out eventually, or do you think greater woes are still ahead?
- What is the most important thing to understand: the Eastern Partnership is not in any way directed against third countries, in particular Russia. When the EaP initiative was conceived, the main goal to be pursued was just one: Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus and the Caucasus nations are all neighbors of the European Union and the main goal was clearly to build a belt of stable, well-functioning democracies. To this end, the European Union proposed a form – the Association Agreements, i.e. to build ties through tree trade and free circulation. And Latvia has always supported this. We want to see good, friendly neighbors at the EU borders.
At the same time, Russia is a strategic partner for the EU and, let there be no doubt, we want to have a close relationship with Russia. Thus, we don't see building ties with the Eastern Partners or with Russia as a process that occurs at the expense of another. So we regret a little that Russia is not taking this position of the EU positively, so far. What is totally unacceptable, however, is that Russia is trying to influence the foreign policy course of some countries, and especially those which expressed their willingness to build ties with the EU on a deeper level. It is important to note that, at this point in time, as I mentioned earlier, we are not talking about the prospect of EU membership for Moldova and Ukraine, but rather about the creation of a free trade area and tighter human contacts. So, it is puzzling why Russia has adopted such a stance.
Within the framework of our Presidency, will of course continue efforts to clarify the EU's position on EaP matters, and other EU member countries will do this as well. Perhaps Russia needs some time to understand which is the direction that the EaP is moving to. The EU is open to cooperation with Russia on all issues, but, as I said, not at the expense of the Eastern Partnership.
- By the way, when you were picked to serve Ambassador-at-Large for EaP, and as we know they are all former Soviet countries, did it play a role that you had had an unusual experience as a diplomat in Russia, as was reported in the press about ten years ago?
- Oh, that was (laughs) so long time ago... I started my career in the foreign service as an officer for Ukraine and Moldova, by the way, back in 1996. Then I had the opportunity to become head of a department for Russia and CIS countries and I went to work in Moscow. In 2004, I left Moscow on the request of the Russian government and didn't enter Russia for several years after that. Now I travel to Russia, by the way.
Indeed, that was an interesting moment in my life. But I consider myself a professional in what I do, and my attitude towards Russia hasn't changed a bit despite that incident in the past. I have always been a supporter of good relations between Latvia and Russia.
I don't think that my appointment is somehow linked to that, because the post of Ambassadors for EaP exists not only in Latvia, but also in Lithuania, Sweden, France, Germany, that is, in many EU countries. This demonstrates that the role of the Eastern Partnership as a policy of the EU is increasing. As I mentioned earlier, my work will be directed at strengthening ties with the EaP countries, which doesn't conflict in any way with the Latvia-Russia relationship. In the last few years, we have developed with Russia good, active economic relations. There are some disagreements, but you also have them, as does Ukraine, and we are working to iron them out as possible.
I very much hope that in the future, by the time of the Riga Summit, we will be able to strengthen ties with the EaP countries and at the same time improve dialogue with Russia.
- Which countries did you also work in prior to your current appointment and in which way can this help you with building relations with the EaP countries?
- My career map is rather varied: I worked in Russia, in Belarus, in Slovenia, which is not related to EaP in any way, and also in the United States.
I feel that I acquired a certain perspective from each country. For example, the United States is a world power that actively follows the developments in our region; there are many good experts there with whom I've developed strong relations, and their opinion of course helps me better understand some particular aspects of the Eastern Partnership. Working in Belarus – it's a country neighboring Latvia and also a EaP country – being there on the spot, gives you the best possible perspective.
Also, I travel a lot. As I already mentioned, this is my fifth visit to Moldova. I've also traveled to Ukraine, and I'm a frequent guest in Georgia and Azerbaijan. So, I feel I'm quite familiar with the positions of these countries, especially of Moldova.
Considering our very active dialogue with Moldova, in the political area and in the area of consultations – I should remark here the very active contribution of Moldova's Ambassador to Latvia (Alexei) Cracan, with whom we've developed a close personal relationship – Moldova is always on the agenda. I think that my previous experience can be also helpful during our Presidency and hopefully in strengthening the relationship between Moldova and the EU.
I'd like to wish you to arm yourself with patience, work hard and every dream can come true. I am totally confident in Moldova's future as a European country.
Valeriu Vasilică, IPN
(translation from Russian)
Valeriu Vasilică
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- Future Chisinau Municipal Council will be almost twice more heterogeneous than the former composition. Commentary by Info-Prim Neo
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part VII
- “Program for ideal mayor” can be created from all the platforms of the candidates for Chisinau Mayor. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part III
- Candidates for Chisinau Mayor propose 70 initiatives on city development. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part II
- Election platforms of the candidates for Chisinau mayor are only declarations for an immature electorate. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part VI
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Info-Prim Neo analysis, Part V
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Info-Prim Neo analysis, Part IV
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Info-Prim Neo analysis, Part III
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part II
- Average Chisinau Resident in front of electoral lists. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part I
- How Chisinau residents will remember Mayor General of 2003 – 2007. Info-Prim Neo analysis, part IV
- How Chisinau residents will remember the Chisinau Municipal Council of 2003-2007. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part III
- How the Chisinau residents will remember the Chisinau Municipal Council of 2003-2007. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part II
- Chisinau Municipal Council 2003 – 2007 as seen by Chisinau residents. Analysis by Info-Prim Neo, Part I