The first part of the analysis “Ghimpu decree: unformulated national cause” that was published on July 5 focused on the parallels between the de-Sovietization process in the ex-Soviet Baltic countries and the attempt to reanimate the given process in Moldova. In this connection, we can presume that the Ghimpu decree that declares June 28 as the Soviet Occupation Day commemorating the victims of the Communist regime could form part of a national idea similar to that of the Baltic states. The first part centered on the successes and failures of such an approach (see “Ghimpu decree: unformulated national cause. Part I” here). The second part analyzes the historical value of the document, its subtexts and political manipulations. [A historical decree... to be used one time?] Most probably, the Ghimpu decree will have the fate of a 'disposable' document, mainly the parts about the flying of flags at half mast, the moment of silence to commemorate the victims, etc. as the Constitutional Court would dismiss it as unconstitutional or the decree will be abolished by the future President of Moldova. In the first case, there will be invoked the already known arguments that the holidays or commemorative days are instituted by the Parliament. In the second case, the future head of state could invoke certain internal or external, real or invented disturbances caused by the Ghimpu decree. Even the present coalition partners declared openly or implied that they will not observe the provisions of the decree. However, the decree has an incontestable historical value for the process of de-Sovietizing the Moldovan society and nation in formation. The de-Sovietization will take place sooner or later as a condition for accepting Moldova into the Soviet Union. These are interdependent phenomena so that Moldova will become part of the EU only after or simultaneously with the de-Sovietization. This is not obligatorily a forced process and the time when it will take place is left to the discretion of the Moldovan political class and society. Thus, the decree's importance resides in the fact that it reminded directly of this duty of the Moldovan society postponed during the eight years of Communist government in Moldova and, indirectly, of the interdependence of the European integration and de-Sovietization. The historical value of this decree resides also in the fact that is refers to history. It urges knowing history. The rupture with the Soviet past, with what meant atrocity, violence, extermination and deportations, is necessary in order not to allow a repeat of this historical experience. This means knowing history and revealing things that are not always pleasant. One cannot deny something one doesn't know as one cannot protect oneself from something one does not know. The decree assesses history, but does not modify it as some say. The related accusations made by certain political forces derive also from ignorance or come from malicious persons. “In fact, by this decree, the Liberal leader legalizes the presence of the Romanian army on Moldova's territory until 1940,” a political organization said in this connection, ignoring the presence of the army of another state on Moldova's territory today, without the country's consent. We wonder why the Ghimpu decree did not equally justify the separate or simultaneous presence of the Russian, Turkish, Tatar armies or even Roman legions... In fact, those politicians misinterpret the decree. Both those who criticize it severely and those who praise it exaggeratedly perceive the historical processes from the angle of the contemporary political interests and processes. In a way, they identify themselves with the history players and become indignant, deeply insulted or, on the contrary, very proud, instead of these players. It is not the case. In reality, it is trick aimed at political manipulation. The Ghimpu decree is important because it will be recorded in history and because it had a historical effect. Those who criticized it as well as those who supported it will feel obligated to return to it if it is abolished. The decree could become one of the bones of contention in the future campaigns for the presidential and legislative elections and, possibly, in the coming referendum on the procedure for electing the head of state. The decree will join supporters of ideas as well as political enemies and will divide political partners. Possibly, the start was made on the same day when the decree was issued (June 24), when the Democratic coalition in the Chisinau Municipal Council was split. A part of the components of the municipal coalition made an alliance with the Communist and Christian-Democrat councilors in order to name a new chairman of the Council without preliminary discussions and without the consent of the Liberal councilors of Mihai Ghimpu and Dorin Chirtoaca. “If Mihai Ghimpu did not find it necessary to discuss such a decree with the members of the government coalition, why should be held consultations to choose a person for a position that is anyway lower?” - it would be a justification... Yet, a national cause cannot be built on shaky ground. The last part of the analysis “Ghimpu decree: unformulated national cause” will focus on the decree's effects on the international relations. [Valeriu Vasilica, Info-Prim Neo]