The Maria Bieșu National Opera and Ballet Theatre presents the opera “The Magic Flute” /TNOB /02:00 PM/.

The “S uliti Roz Iurie Harmelin” State Youth Drama Theatre presents “Doubt” /“S uliti Roz Iurie Harmelin” State Youth Drama Theatre /06:00 PM/.

The actors of Geneza Art Theatre perform “The Patient’s Diary” /Geneza Art Theatre /06:00 PM/.

The A. P. Chekhov State Russian Drama Theatre presents “Horses at the Window” /A. P. Chekhov State Russian Drama Theatre /06:00 PM/.

The actors of the Mihai Eminescu National Theatre perform “The Glass Garden” /TNME /06:00 PM/.

The “Satiricus I. L. Caragiale” National Theatre presents “The Wedding” /“Satiricus I. L. Caragiale” National Theatre /06:30 PM/.

The concert “Kaval and Modulation, Flutes, Synthesizers” takes place as part of the 11th edition of the Moldo Crescendo Festival, themed “Letters” /Studio 2, TRM /07:00 PM/.

The actors of the “Eugène Ionesco” National Theatre perform “Edmond” /“Eugène Ionesco” National Theatre /07:00 PM/.

The third edition of the exhibition “An Artefact from YOUR Hometown” continues /National Museum of History of Moldova /20 October–10 November/.

The exhibition “Traces of the Cucuteni–Trypillia Culture in the Republic of Moldova” continues at the National Museum of History of Moldova, running from 24 September 2026 to 1 September 2027.

The exhibition “Vytynanki Reality” continues, showcasing works created during the international art laboratory held in Chișinău under the guidance of artist Olga Kashimbeckova, as part of European Heritage Days 2026 /Chisinau City History Museum /20 September–1 November/.

The thematic exhibition “A Century of Higher Education in the Region between the Prut and Dniester Rivers” continues /National Library of the Republic of Moldova /14 September–30 December/.

The exhibition “Urban Archaeology and the Hidden Memory of Chisinau” continues /National Museum of History of Moldova /17 July–30 November/.

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The National Library of the Republic of Moldova invites the public to the launch of “Dreams Are Born from Words and Colours,” the first book in the “Children for Children” series /BNRM /11:00 AM/.

The Central Electoral Commission will hold a meeting /CEC /11:00 AM/.

Chișinău City Hall announces an initiative to stock the lake in Dumitru Rascanu Park with juvenile fish /Lifeguard station, Rascani district /12:00 PM/.

Chisinau City Hall announces a tree-planting event on Alecu Russo Street in the Ciocana district /Intersection of Alecu Russo and Nicolae Dimo streets, Ciocana district /01:00 PM/.

Senior citizens in the capital are invited to another edition of the musical performances held as part of the “Dialogue Between Generations” weekend social and cultural project (31 October–1 November) /Association of the Deaf, 1 Vasile Alecsandri Street /01:00 PM/.

Chisinau City Hall is holding fairs and markets featuring locally made goods and produce across the capital’s districts on October 31–November 1.

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“Barring a journalist who asks uncomfortable questions is a form of censorship that comes as no surprise in Tiraspol’s case. The decision was only a matter of time, even though I have never violated the rules for entering or leaving the region,” Alex Craiu said.

The Bureau for Reintegration Policies commented on the case, condemning the restrictions on the journalist’s access and describing the measure as yet another abuse by the Tiraspol authorities.

According to the Bureau, the case demonstrates that the Tiraspol regime and the so-called local security forces continue to censor information, restricting the work of journalists who report on the realities of life in the region and the human rights situation.

The institution says it will continue to call for journalists’ access to the Transnistrian region to be restored through dialogue between Chisinau and Tiraspol. The BPR reiterates that freedom of movement within the country and freedom of the media are guaranteed by the Constitution and international law.

Alex Craiu is a journalist, war correspondent, and videographer. He has reported on the war in Ukraine and publishes videos on his YouTube channel.

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The commemorative event held on Friday near the monument to the two artists brought together a crowd who attended a recital of music and poetry and laid flowers at the monument in memory of the performers.

The mayor noted that a series of activities and events dedicated to the two artists would be held as part of the Ion and Doina Aldea-Teodorovici Cultural Year.

Ion Ceban recalled that last year, following extensive renovations, the Ion and Doina Aldea-Teodorovici Centre for Culture and Art opened near the square named in their honour. The project was carried out in collaboration with the artists’ family.

The mayor stated that the municipality would continue to support projects dedicated to preserving the memory of the two performers and introducing their work to younger generations.

Ion and Doina Aldea-Teodorovici died during the night of October 29–30, 1992, in a road accident near Cosereni, in Romania’s Ialomita County.

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According to CNN, the largest demonstrations took place in Rome, Milan and Turin. Demonstrators in Milan held up placards with anti-government messages, while in Naples, some protesters burned photographs of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. Although the Interior Ministry carried out a series of preventive arrests to avert violence, clashes broke out between protesters and police in some places.

Although the strike is nationwide, protesters’ demands have varied from one city to another. In Genoa, dockworkers mobilized to block exports of Italian-made weapons to conflict zones, including Israel. Meanwhile, in Bologna, students called on the government to review its education policies.

Transport workers had also planned to join the strike but backed down after Infrastructure and Transport Minister Matteo Salvini threatened them with sanctions.

In recent weeks, protests have taken place in several European countries, including France, Spain and Portugal, with hundreds of thousands of people calling on their governments to take action to tackle the rising cost of living.

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According to the institution, the laboratory is equipped with 15 workstations for trainees and one for the instructor, 30 monitors, networking equipment, an interactive display, and videoconferencing systems. During the opening ceremony, diplomas were presented to the first ten graduates of the OSINT training course, who gained skills in conducting open-source investigations.

The Stefan cel Mare Academy will be able to use the laboratory to hold regular training programmes in digital investigations, following an approved curriculum and involving trainers specifically trained for this purpose.

The new laboratory was inaugurated with the support of the European Union and the United Nations Development Programme as part of the “Resilient Democracy through Anti-Corruption” project. It will be used both to train future police officers and to provide continuing professional development for staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other law enforcement agencies.

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Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, handles more than 35% of global trading in digital assets. The company described the incident as a complex attack involving multiple factors. Preliminary findings suggest that an attacker may have gained access to the laptop of an engineer responsible for the security and operation of the company’s systems, then managed to authorize cryptocurrency withdrawals.

According to Bitquery, approximately $6.3 billion worth of cryptocurrency was transferred out of 17 Binance digital wallets in less than four hours. The issuers of several digital currencies froze $2.7 billion in assets to prevent their theft. Nevertheless, the attacker reportedly managed to retain around $3.1 billion, primarily in Bitcoin and Ether.

The funds were transferred to new addresses across nine blockchain networks, with Ethereum, Bitcoin, and TRON the most affected. Binance has revoked permissions for the compromised addresses and is working with authorities and blockchain security experts to trace and recover the funds. The company said it would publish a detailed technical report once the investigation is complete and all information has been verified, along with an updated statement of its cryptocurrency reserves.

TRM Labs, a company specializing in blockchain transaction analysis and cybersecurity, says the attack was carried out by TraderTraitor, a hacking group linked to North Korea. TRM Labs notes that the FBI attributed the February 2025 cyberattack on the Bybit platform, in which $1.5 billion worth of cryptocurrency was stolen, to the same group.

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Chișinău, 30 October 2026 – The International Organization for Migration (IOM), with funding from the European Union and in cooperation with the Government of the Republic of Moldova, today launched the European Union Border and Customs Project in the Republic of Moldova (EUBAC). The new initiative will support national efforts to further strengthen integrated border management, customs and taxation in line with relevant EU standards and practices.

Funded by the European Union and implemented by IOM over 24 months, EUBAC will provide technical expertise, capacity development and practical assistance to relevant national authorities. It will support the continued development of legislation, procedures and institutional capacities, with particular attention to the digitalisation and interoperability of customs, taxation and border management systems, as well as the application of EU-aligned standards and practices.

The project will also help strengthen operational and analytical capacities to address cross-border and organised crime, including smuggling, tax evasion and illicit cross-border financial flows. Support will include technical assessments, specialised training, practical exercises, expert assistance and equipment for relevant national authorities.

EUBAC will work closely with the Customs Service, State Tax Service, General Inspectorate of Border Police and General Inspectorate of Police, alongside other relevant national institutions. The project will mobilise expertise from EU Member States, as well as international and national specialists, with dedicated IOM personnel working alongside national counterparts.

By supporting modernised systems, stronger institutional capacities and closer inter-agency cooperation, EUBAC will contribute to secure and efficient border management, facilitate legitimate movement and trade, and support the Republic of Moldova’s continued alignment with relevant EU standards and practices.

DISCLAIMER: The authors of the press releases—not the IPN news agency—bear exclusive responsibility for the accuracy and substance of the content submitted for publication and/or distribution.

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The campaign currently revolves around two contenders—Vitali Neagu and Vadim Kravciuk. Both have longstanding ties to the region’s political and security structures. Meanwhile, civic activist Nicolae Malisev, who sought to run as an independent, was barred from the electoral race.

IPN explains who is vying to lead the Transnistrian region, how the candidates’ public images are shaped, and why having two contenders on paper does not necessarily mean there is genuine political competition.

Vitali Neagu: From the Ministry of Internal Affairs and “Sheriff” to the Presidential Campaign

The most prominent of the candidates is Vitali Neagu. He headed the so-called Ministry of Internal Affairs in Tiraspol and is now a deputy prime minister in the region’s administration. During Evgheni Sevciuk’s tenure as the region’s leader, Neagu represented the interests of the Sheriff holding company in court.

It is well known that Sheriff holds a unique position in the economy of the eastern region, where it owns substantial assets in retail and other sectors. Neagu’s past professional ties to the holding company therefore cannot be overlooked when examining his political career. Equally significant is the fact that TSV, the television channel owned by the group, is actively promoting his candidacy.

IPN noted that Vitali Neagu’s preparations for the election campaign were accompanied by a significant increase in his visibility in the local media landscape.

According to IPN’s calculations, the number of articles mentioning him increased more than fivefold over seven months. Extensive coverage of his activities began as early as February 2026, long before his official nomination.

This detail matters because much of the region’s media landscape has long been aligned with the current administration. Against this backdrop, the sustained media promotion of a relatively little-known official who later emerged as a potential candidate stands out.

In mid-October, an organization headed by the region’s current leader, Vadim Krasnoselski, proposed that Vitali Neagu run for office. A few days later, the same organization announced plans for a large-scale protest in Tiraspol. Vitali Neagu and Vadim Krasnoselski were among the key figures at the demonstration.

Thus, Neagu’s involvement in the election campaign does not appear to mark the unexpected emergence of a new political figure. His public profile had been cultivated for at least six months before his candidacy was officially announced.

Vadim Kravciuk: the second candidate from the same political circles

The second candidate is Vadim Kravciuk, a member of the so-called Supreme Soviet in Tiraspol. He fought on the side of Transnistrian forces in the 1992 armed conflict and has ties to the Russian veterans’ organization “Boevoe Bratstvo” (“Combat Brotherhood”).

Unlike Vitali Neagu, whose career has primarily been tied to administrative and security institutions, Vadim Kravciuk draws more on his parliamentary work and his connections within the veterans’ community.

In his campaign, he highlights the alleged “pressure” exerted by the Republic of Moldova and promotes claims that the country is being militarized.

Both Kravciuk and Neagu have long been part of the breakaway region’s institutions. Neither offers a political alternative.

Thus, in December, voters in the Transnistrian region will have to choose between representatives of the same political and administrative establishment.

Why was Nicolae Malisev barred from running in the election?

One of the most telling episodes of the current election campaign is the case of civic activist Nicolae Malisev.

Unlike the other two candidates, Malisev sought to run as an independent. He had already begun collecting the signatures required to support his candidacy.

However, the so-called Central Election Commission in Tiraspol barred him from running in the election.

Over the past five years, Malisev has twice been denied registration as a parliamentary candidate, while on another occasion his registration was annulled by a court.

It was these very circumstances that were cited to justify yet another refusal, this time in the context of the so-called “presidential elections”.

A paradoxical situation thus emerges: earlier decisions, inadequately justified, that prevented the activist from taking part in other elections are now being used as a pretext to bar him from yet another electoral contest.

The political consequence, however, is clear: a potential candidate with no ties to the current political and economic elite has been excluded from the race, while two establishment figures remain in contention for the region’s top job.

How the local press shapes the image of an electoral contest

The media play a vital role in every election campaign. It is through the press that most voters learn who the candidates are, what they do, and what policies they stand for.

In the Transnistrian region, access to information is particularly important, given the limited scope for independent journalism and the considerable influence exerted by the local administration over the media.

The so-called Ministry of State Security (MGB) in Tiraspol has published two lists naming a total of 32 information sources on Telegram, TikTok and Instagram, alleging that they have ties to the Republic of Moldova’s intelligence services.

The institution claims that these platforms spread false information, fuel discontent and protests, discredit local authorities, and promote the idea of reintegrating the region into the Republic of Moldova.

The MGB has not publicly presented any evidence to support these allegations.

Independent news outlets in the Republic of Moldova covering developments in the country’s eastern region, along with representatives of human rights organizations, have described such statements as attempts to intimidate journalists and restrict the public’s access to alternative sources of information ahead of the December elections.

Meanwhile, media outlets affiliated with the Tiraspol administration are actively promoting Vitali Neagu.

The more than fivefold increase in the number of articles about him over a seven-month period does not, in itself, prove the existence of an organized political campaign. However, this trend, coupled with actions taken by security agencies against independent platforms, raises questions about possible attempts to influence the region’s information landscape.

What really makes elections competitive?

Having multiple names on the ballot is just one element of the electoral process.

For genuine electoral competition, prospective candidates must be able to stand for election under clear and equal conditions, freely present their platforms, criticize the current administration, and communicate with voters through the media.

Equally important are the independence of electoral bodies, the transparency of registration procedures, and the ability to challenge decisions effectively.

So far, neither Vitali Neagu nor Vadim Kravciuk has unveiled his election platform.

There is also a broader context to consider in the case of the Transnistrian region: it is not under the control of the constitutional authorities in Chisinau, and elections held there are not recognized as legitimate within the constitutional framework of the Republic of Moldova.

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Alexandru Bot drew attention to how the new regions would be funded. According to him, if only 11% of local administrative budgets come from their own revenues, while at least 60% is provided by the central government, local authorities could remain dependent on decisions about the allocation of public funds. In his view, this arrangement could lead to disputes over how resources are distributed among the regions.

Another issue raised by Alexandru Bot concerns the proposed population threshold of 3,000 for reorganizing localities. The legal expert said it was unclear whether the count would be based on the number of people officially registered in a locality or those who actually live there. To illustrate his point, he cited the area between the villages of Dumbrava and Trușeni, which is home to more than 30 gardening associations where, by his estimate, over 10,000 people live. Although these residents live in the area and pay taxes, they have no right to vote in local council elections and no representative of their own in local government.

The legal expert believes the reform should not only help resolve administrative issues but also foster local economic development, attract investment, and expand the taxpayer base.

Among the positive aspects of the reform, Alexandru Bot highlighted the intention to address the country’s administrative fragmentation into 32 districts, which, in his view, do not always meet the needs of the population. He hopes that creating larger regions will lead to greater financial autonomy and better public services.

The legal expert also stressed the need to clarify how regional and central authorities will work together, as well as the role of the State Chancellery in the new administrative structure. In his view, the regions should also serve as intermediaries between central and local government.

Disclaimer: This material was produced by the IPN News Agency as part of the “Local Government Reform in Dialogue” project, funded by the Ministry of Culture through the Media Subsidy Fund.

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