[ – On July 29, the voters in Moldova will again go to the polls. What should we expect from the current electoral campaign and elections?] – The elections in Moldova should be regarded as a competition, a kind of beauty contest that is held under unequal, often hostile conditions and that contains many unknowns and new elements. I mean the consequences of the economic crisis and the failure of a commercial bank, the impact of the April events, the lowering of the election threshold to 5%, the decrease to 1/3 in the voter turnout required to validate the elections, the massive coverage and appointment of the “counter-revolutionary, Christian-Democratic” leader as Deputy Prime Minister, etc. Another surprise event is the controversial joining of the Democratic Party by the former Speaker Marian Lupu, who is a real opponent for the PCRM and for President Vladimir Voronin personally, and who can fight for the votes of the same left-wing electorate. This potential has not been yet developed and it would be logical to expect a real struggle for the left-wing electorate between these two contenders in the next two weeks. After elections, the new legislature will have to cope with a very difficult internal situation: the modification of the 2009 budget by about 7 billion lei (30%), the approval of the rise in the foreign debt and the adoption of the budget for 2010. The economic situation can determine the implementation of unpopular measures and we will claim major political will to undertake unpopular reforms. The economic crisis of 1998 swallowed governments, destroyed alliances, led to unexpected coalitions and to the coming to power of the Party of Communists, which did not expect such a success. [– Would there be political consensus after elections?] – Undoubtedly, the most efficient government is the coalition government that takes into account multiple interests. But the notion of consensus during the last nine years has been lost and distorted. The difficulties for the political players only begin. We are yet glad that we will not have new early elections in 2009 and the subject of the election of the head of state becomes secondary. The legislature will name a government that will work in ordinary conditions. It is important that the current president does not transform his temporary position into a permanent one and provoke a constitutional crisis. [– What is the role of the foreign factor in this situation?] – At foreign level, Moldova will have to immediately restore the balance in the relations with the EU, Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The mandate granted by the CAGRE Council to the European Commission stipulates the present conditions: abolition of the visa regime with Romania and reestablishment of good neighborhood relations. This mandate can represent an instrument of pressure on the next legislature in the creation of the new government. The European Commission can open talks over the new agreement (‘association agreement’) and, eventually, on a package of ‘anti-crisis’ measures. Nothing could be achieved if there is no political dialogue. All the parties join the fight against the economic crisis and accept the idea of foreign financing. This thing could become a zone of convergence and consensus. But the negotiation of a loan during the electoral campaign in non-transparent conditions, by a temporary government by order of a head of state whose term in office has expired, without consulting the legislature, cannot help find an internal political consensus and makes the next government vulnerable, no matter what its color and political orientation will be. The Parliament will have to very seriously examine if and to what extent the country’s economic security was affected. [ – Are there preconditions for radical changes on the political arena?] Moldova badly needs a change! I’m not sure if the Moldovan society is ready to assume and would support radical reforms. However, the most important thing that the Moldovan society can make is to change the political class. The April Parliament has been partially renewed. The right-wing electorate brought two new parties in the Parliament – the PLDM and the PL. Certainly, the political experience of the AMN and the connection between generations should not be ignored in this rejuvenation process. As regards the political poles, we can speak about several parties conventionally called right-wing parties – the PLDM, PL and AMN. We have great expectations of them, but we forget that they are young parties. The PL, even if it started to exist long ago, went into the big politics only in 2007, winning the Chisinau City Hall and a part of the Municipal Council. It won nationwide popularity only in the 2009 elections. So, only now it became a really national, representative party. But it should strengthen its divisions. For its part, the PLDM was founded less than two years ago! This party made considerable progress, winning 15 seats of MP in the April elections. It also needs time and peace to strengthen itself as a political organization. The right-wing voters had consolidated offers from the PCRM, with partially replaced politicians. This time yet, even these voters can have a real alternative for substituting the political class after Marian Lupu joined the PDM. Yet, the consolidation of the ‘poles’ will not be possible until we identify that mysterious national interest inside the country and when we stop defending ourselves from different foreign enemies and turn our eyes to the citizens of this country that hardly resist so much ‘cosmic war and invasion”.