[ - The European and international organizations, the governments of other countries, foreign and national experts regard the Transnistrian conflict as the least complicated not only in the post-Soviet area, but also in Europe, or even the whole world. Why is it so hard to solve it and why aren't there even signs that it could be solved in the foreseeable future?] - No progress was made in solving the dispute as there are a number of problems hindering it. The assessments you made are relative. I do agree that other separatist conflicts are more complicated as they have ethnic, religious, geopolitical or other kinds of roots. These elements are not present in the Transnistrian dispute and this is an advantage. But there are other destructive factors like a system for artificially supporting the separatist regime, the memory of the armed conflict and the human losses skilfully raked up by quasi-total propaganda, etc. There are no fundamentalist causes, but there are other causes that make the solving of the conflict difficult. Those who bear political responsibility for the previous developments in the negotiation process should answer the question why no headway was made with the negotiations. I think the present government must concentrate its efforts and prove that it can make progress on the path to the country's reunification. Afterward, it will have the right to carry out assessments. We have enough judges and they seem to be getting cheap already. I agree with the stance of the previous Polish ambassador to Moldova, who said that we do not have a frozen conflict, but a frozen settlement. [ - The Transnistria dispute is treated like a political not inter-ethnic or inter-religious conflict and thus is considered not complicated and solvable. What does a political conflict in the case of Transnistria mean?] - I have spoken partly about the elements that define the nature of this conflict. Its political character resides in the fact that the local elite took over the power in the region illegally and by force while there were no classical, historical, territorial, national, ethnic, religious, social and other reasons for doing so. They simply defied the constitutional power, creating a great problem that now makes it difficult to reestablish the legality, democracy and sovereignty of the state in this region. The lack of natural internal motivations makes the regime rather fragile and weak. Therefore, it survives only due to the political, military, financial, social, economic and energy support provided from outside. The Russian Federation is the major supporter, and the bills of billions of dollars for this artificial regime are supported by Russian taxpayers and the ordinary people living in eastern Moldova, who are deprived of the possibility to develop. [ - It is logical to use political instruments to solve a political conflict. What are the main instruments that can be used in this case?] - One of the major instruments is the political negotiations whose 5+2 format is the only one recognized by the sides. In order to make progress, assiduous and consistent work is needed to build confidence first of all between Chisinau and Tiraspol, to strengthen the contacts and cooperation between the people living on the two banks of the Nistru, to create favorable conditions for identifying a political solution. Evidently, there are enough forces and groups that want to perpetuate the conflict because they profit from the sufferings of the Transnistrian population and from the problems faced by Moldova. These forces and groups react furiously to any positive sign of possible reconciliation between the sides, often causing provocations and undermining the talks. Even now we witness acts of misinformation and sterile threats coming in the wake of the steps taken by the official Chisinau and the constructive reaction on the part of Tiraspol. [ - Did the previous governments of Moldova appropriately use the political instruments? Why didn't they yield results?] - I will repeat that I do not yet want to give marks to the predecessors. I want to make only two essential observations. We must be grateful for the fact that it was managed to preserve a fundamental principle, which the new government continues to consistently and devotedly promote, – the observance of Moldova's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, within the internationally recognized borders. Also, we must reassess the methods used earlier in the negotiation process and analyze the effects that they produced. The replacement of the inefficient and unproductive methods will create space for new approaches and new tactics. [ - What new political approaches will the Alliance for European Integration adopt?] - For the time being, I can only reiterate that it will show openness and constructivism, a kind of positive pressure. The negotiation of a political solution lasts too long. That's why we consider that we can no more postpone the solving of the major problems confronting the people living on the two banks of the Nistru. We try to promote local development in all the areas and cooperation between people avoiding making them dependent on the political negotiations as the people live one life only and we cannot admit that they lose time owing to the interests pursued by the local or metropolitan elites. [ - Every new government during the election campaigns and outside them says they are able to reunify the country. The former Communist administration was the most optimistic in this respect. But before too long the Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov banned the constitutional President Vladimir Voronin from visiting his mother living in a Transnistrian village. Was such a gesture subjective or circumstantial, or the usual thing?] - The difference resides in the realism and honesty of the commitments. Those who boasted to solve the conflict during three months did not manage to do it during eight years. On the contrary, the gaps in such areas as telecommunications, railway transport and energy security became even wider. The rigidity of one of the sides amplified the inflexibility of the other side and the citizens of Moldova, on both sides, suffered the consequences. However, it is not the leaders that count the most. Those who come to power in Moldova must have solutions and confidence that they can solve its fundamental problems. Thus, the Alliance for European Integration put the country's reunification among the five top priorities. But we avoid the populism and transforming the problem into a personal matter between the leaders. [ - Do you think that the Transnistrian regime can resort to hostile moves and even provocations in response to the very conciliatory statements made by the new Moldovan government? At least it happened so until now. Such a behavior is explicable or perhaps even justified – the warmer the relations between the banks of the Nistru, the more useless is the existence of a separatist regime. Could the statements about the possible introduction of a visa regime for the residents of the right bank of the Nistru mean the start of a new cycle of hostility?] - We take into account both the positive and negative scenarios. We are aware of the foreign influence exerted on the Transnistrian authorities and of the games played by the local bureaucrats who feel valuable only when there are complications. The recent press reports, mainly in Russian environments, represent indeed provocative manipulations, based on false information or replies taken out of context. The most important thing for us is to maintain a strategic approach based on the reality that the eastern districts are part of Moldova and the residents of these districts represent the population of Moldova, though they are temporarily under the administration of the unconstitutional authorities. Consequently, the Moldovan authorities' actions must be to the benefit of the people living in the Transnistrian region. Such an approach was used in the federal Germany, where the displayed goodwill and patience resulted in the country's reunification 20 years ago. [ - At what stage is now the Transnistrian conflict settlement process: at the beginning, middle or end?] - As everybody knows how the talks developed until present, I would prefer to say that we are now in the middle of the negotiation process. But I hope that we will cover the path that remained until a definitive settlement at a faster pace. [ - How is it that after about 18 years of the start of the conflict and talks involving serious foreign partners, the people, capital and goods as well as the transport and telecommunications cannot move freely over the Nistru? The joint property was destroyed, including the railways.] - Every sector has its own history and witnessed different developments. But you are right when you say that the gap between the banks of the Nistru has widened during the last few years. This is a sad conclusion. It is now our duty to remedy the situation. Actually, the Transnistrian authorities suffer the consequences of their abusive actions, for example the division of the railways, which are now half-dead on the right bank of the Nistru, use large resources from the region's budget for maintenance, left the employees without income, etc. However, some of the sectors remained united. The sports is one of them. It proved its force of messenger of peace and ration. [ - At different stages and in different situations, different personalities said that the key to the Transnistrian dispute is either in Moscow, or in Bucharest, Washington, Brussels, Chisinau, Tiraspol… What is the position of the present Moldovan administration?] - The metaphors are useful for creative approaches, for finding the most suitable paradigms. But they remain only metaphors. I do not believe in tales with 'the golden key' that can solve such a conflict. Yes, Moscow has the greatest influence and presence in the breakaway republic and it is clear that we will have to obtain the redefinition of its approaches so as to convert the current impact into contribution to resolving the dispute. But Kiev also plays a decisive role because it is the eastern neighbor through which the 'gray' commercial flows communicate with the so-called 'black hole' on the left bank of the Nistru. Here the joint Moldovan-Ukrainian efforts are supported by the EUBAM that works under the aegis of Brussels. Washington is in general the most powerful player in the world democracy, economic and security policy. Thus, it is essential that the official Chisinau builds at last its own strategy for 'defrosting' the settlement, which would balance all these centers of influence. [ - It is said that the present state of affairs around the conflict benefits certain political and economic 'forces' in Chisinau, which aim to maintain it as long as possible. What are those forces if they exist and how can they be 'influenced'?] - I agree with this assessment at the level of deduction, given also the periodicity of the interception of contraband goods brought over the Nistru by businessmen working on the right bank of the river. I do not yet have information. I will make it public as soon as I get reliable information. [ - What separates physically the people living on the two banks of the Nistru are the customs and border guard posts, which are largely contested. What should be done for them to disappear?] - The movement of the goods must be monitored strictly by other, more efficient methods so as to protect the interests of the consumers and the state budget. The EUBAM has submitted relevant initiatives. They were sent to the Moldovan authorities that will analyze them and offer solutions for implementing them. The aim is to get rid of the permanent searches to which the travelers and residents are subjected at the internal customs posts, which are in fact inefficient in combating the smuggling of goods. But we will achieve this aim only after we find better solutions than the existing ones. [ - What is the 'trump card' of the new Moldovan administration in the conflict settlement process and what progress can be made next year for example?] - The 'trump card', if you insist to call it so, is the positive action and the separation of the development projects from the political negotiations. However, it is extremely important to resume the talks as the time is also a resource in the process of identifying a political solution. We must start work on the future status of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova. The return to the preelectoral period as a result of the Communists Party's refusal to vote in the head of state puts the participants in the negotiation process on expecting positions. By the end of 2010, we could prepare the resumption of the real talks, but we will be making effort to achieve more. [ - Two parts become reunified when they want to. Why do you think that the indoctrinated Transnistrian residents would want this reunification?] - No propaganda, no matter how perverse it is, can convince a brother on the left bank of the river that the brother from the right bank is an enemy, or can convince the mother that her daughter is a stranger. We have so many families separated by the two banks. Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the impact of the long and methodical brainwashing. Yet, blood is thicker than water. The problem resides in the social motivations and values, in the attractiveness of the system and of the quality of life on the right bank of the Nistru for the people living on the left bank. The new Moldovan government has the chance to make Moldova a democratic, economically developing country with high-standard social guarantees and make it part of the European Union so that the Moldovans could travel and work freely in the European community... The ordinary people will then long for reunification and no investments and strategy for maintaining the present separatist regime artificially will produce results.