[Info-Prim Neo analysis, part I] Last week, the parties of the Alliance for European Integration (AEI) had one more internal ‘life-and-death’ struggle in Parliament – the questioning of Prosecutor General Valeriu Zubko. But that struggle included another event whose significance remained unnoticed. It was the appointment of the representative of the Communist Party (PCRM) Artur Reshetnikov as Deputy Speaker. The appointment holds interest not because it was possible owing to the joint vote of the Communists and the Democratic Party, which is an AEI member, but rather because the PCRM accepted to field its candidate for this post that was offered to it a year ago, and in the current political situation. This gesture of the Communist opposition can be deciphered easier if we remember that the PCRM, in its statements, has always challenged the legitimacy of the present government, saying both the AEI 1 and AEI 2 were unconstitutional, anti-popular and usurped the power. The PCRM’s actions in Parliament and outside it depended on this strategic line that included the extended and repeated boycotting of the Parliament’s sittings, the serious deterioration of the relations with the country’s foreign partners that openly support the AEI, the avoidance of steps that would have associated the PCRM with the present government, including at the level of the legislature’s administration. Why did the PCRM deviate from its strategy last Thursday, delegating a party heavyweight to work in the Parliament’s administration? Did it recognize the present government now when the AEI has the weakest position since it came to power? [The first possible answer] is that the joint vote of the PCRM and PDM points to a possible re-formation of the ruling alliance, with the election of the head of state on November 18 or two weeks later, and with the two parties taking over other key posts in the state. Artur Reshetnikov is probably like a ‘herald’ of spring. However, the very tense relations between the leaders of the two parties – Vladimir Voronin on the one hand and Marian Lupu and Vlad Plahotniuc on the other hand – come to oppose this scenario. In the Moldovan politics, this aspect should not be ignored. For similar and other reasons, a coalition between the PCRM and PLDM, formed with the aim of enabling the present legislative body to work until the end of term, seems impossible. [The second possible answer] leads to the conclusion that the PCRM sacrificed its strategy and Artur Reshetnikov in order to maximally hasten the early parliamentary elections, after which they hope to forcefully return to power. This objective cannot be achieved without the further splitting of the AEI. The PCRM obtained a part of the projected effect by voting in favor of dismissing the head of the Security and Information Service and the initiation of the procedure for discharging the prosecutor general together with the Liberal Democratic Party (PLDM), setting the PDM and the Liberal Party (PL) on their collation partner. As the AEI did not give an as powerful reason for argument from inside, the PCRM ‘invented’ its own reason at the next stage – the appointment of Artur Reshetnikov. Angry with the PLDM and seeking revenge, the PDM gave the votes needed to name Reshetnikov to post. It should be noted that the date of the presidential elections was set also amid resentments inside the AEI and also unexpectedly, as part of the same scenery. From that moment, the dissolution of Parliament and the calling of early elections became inevitable and close, if the presidential elections fail again. They will most probably fail and the failure has been planned. If the date of presidential elections hadn’t been fixed, the legislature may have worked until the end of the four-year mandate, despite the PCRM’s protests, or until a date that was more suitable for the AEI. [The third possible answer] results from the combination of the first two answers. The PCRM wants to achieve the goal of having early legislative elections, but in two steps. The first step is to obtain the re-forming of the government coalition, while the second is to obtain the dismissal of the Cabinet and to take over administrative control, together with one of the components of the AEI, over areas that are important in election campaigns. The PCRM wants the ruling alliance to be re-formed in order to weaken the positions of all the member parties of the AEI before and during the election campaign. The related actions may in fact be aimed at the PLDM and Prime Minister Vlad Filat so as to deprive them of important administrative and image resources and from the international resources enjoyed by them. There are rumors that there is somebody who wants to eliminate Vlad Filat from the political life. That ‘somebody’ may be a political person or a group of political figures from Moldova. But the rumors that the Premier also aims to eliminate important politicians from the political and economic life should also not be neglected. {The first part of this analysis focused on the ‘assistants’ of the modern political process in Moldova, while the second will center on the actions of the ‘surgeons’ involved in the operation with unknown end, which may be either the re-forming of the AEI or the preparation of its burial. The second part will aim to identify the reasons that make the Moldovan politicians have ‘life-and- death’ struggles between them.} [Valeriu Vasilica, Info-Prim Neo]