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| Anatol Țăranu | |
Thirty years after the proclamation of independence, the Republic of Moldova remains a state deeply mired in stagnation and underdevelopment, critically threatened by Moscow's revanchist imperialist policies. The Moldovan society, chronically fragmented along ethno-cultural lines and lacking a dominant cohesive identity, demonstrates an inability to mobilize for the objective of sustainable development. Financially assisted from abroad due to geopolitical considerations, the Moldovan state ensures only a relative subsistence level for the majority of its citizens, while witnessing record population exodus—comparable only to moments of catastrophe in a nation's history.
More than three decades ago, the emergence of the Republic of Moldova was guided and consecrated by the sacrosanct logic of its founding text: the Declaration of Independence. This text, through subsequent decisions of the Constitutional Court, is now part of the so-called constitutional framework. One of the fundamental provisions of the Declaration of Independence speaks of "the millennial past of our people and its uninterrupted statehood in the historical and ethnic space of its national becoming," a space that extends beyond the territory east of the Prut River, encompassing all areas inhabited by Romanians.
The Declaration of Independence represents a paradigmatic legal foundation asserting Moldova's independence from the colonial metropolis, emphasizing the historical and cultural unity of the Moldovan state with Romania. Both states share not only a common history but also a shared language, culture, and national identity. The fact that Moldova’s trajectory since the Declaration of Independence on August 27, 1991, has not fully followed the logic and ideals outlined in its founding document is due to a complex interplay of historical, political, economic, and geopolitical factors that have shaped its development.
Identity Complexity and Internal Divisions
The Declaration of Independence was inspired by the desire of cultural elites and activists of the National Revival Movement of Romanians east of the Prut to reaffirm the cultural, historical, and linguistic identity of Moldovans as identical to that of Romanians. However, at the time of independence, Moldovan society was divided on national identity. A segment of the population identified as Romanians, while another considered themselves distinct Moldovans. This identity split was a result of forced Russification and anti-Romanian identity deconstruction policies imposed by Russian and Soviet imperialism to justify the violent detachment of Bessarabia from its Romanian national space.
In the period following independence, this divisive factor was exploited by a revanchist Moscow and its fifth column within Moldova, preventing the country from reaching a clear national consensus on its strategic orientation.
Immediately after independence, internal ethno-political tensions led to political opportunism, ultimately resulting in the betrayal of the Declaration of Independence's logic and fundamental values by Chisinau’s leaders. Moldova’s precarious identity situation was exploited by Moscow to ignite the armed conflict in the Transnistrian region. This separatist region, supported by Russia, became a de facto autonomous entity outside Chisinau's constitutional control. The unresolved conflict further destabilized Moldova and hindered its capacity to implement the reforms envisioned in the Declaration of Independence.
Russia's Geopolitical Influence
Even after independence, Russia maintained significant influence over Moldova, particularly through its military presence in Transnistria, economic dependence on Russian gas, and support for pro-Russian political parties. This influence has hindered Moldova from pursuing a coherent path toward national unity through Romanian integration and later slowed its European integration process.
Russia’s influence severely impacted Moldova's national security, especially in light of Moscow's military aggression against neighboring Ukraine. Creating an effective security system to protect Moldova from external threats can only be achieved through NATO. However, lingering Soviet-era stereotypes, combined with Russia’s strong media and influence networks, make NATO an unacceptable solution for most Moldovans. Russian propaganda easily penetrates public opinion, promoting narratives that divide society, such as the "threat of unification with Romania" or the "economic collapse" tied to closer ties with the EU.
Slow European Integration and the Unionist Project
Although the Declaration of Independence explicitly references European values, Moldova's European integration process has been slow and inconsistent due to internal and external obstacles. The resurgence of Moldovanist and anti-Romanian concepts of colonial origin kept Moldova under the deep influence of its former metropolis, perpetuating corruption, political instability, and the lack of a coherent strategy for European integration.
Today, Moldova can achieve EU membership through two strategic scenarios. The first involves attaining EU membership as an independent state by following the classic accession process. This process includes submitting the application for membership (already done in 2022), gaining candidate status (achieved in 2022), and engaging in accession negotiations, which require the adoption and implementation of the EU acquis.
The second scenario involves political unification with Romania, leading to automatic integration into the EU and NATO, as Romania is already a member of both organizations. In this scenario, Moldovan citizens would automatically become EU citizens and be protected under NATO’s security umbrella. However, such a process would require achieving national consensus in both states, organizing referendums, and navigating potential regional and international tensions, including hostile reactions from Russia.
In Conclusion
Ahead of Moldova’s parliamentary elections this year, both options for European integration will undoubtedly feature in electoral debates aimed at mobilizing the pro-European electorate. Parties like PAS may avoid the topic of unification, focusing instead on European integration as a priority for Moldova as a sovereign state. Meanwhile, the emerging pro-unionist camp will openly support unification, presenting it as a radical and rapid solution to Moldova’s economic, social, and security challenges.
Ultimately, this nuanced electoral messaging aimed at Europeanist voters may prove the most effective strategy for securing a victorious outcome for the European option and restoring the values betrayed by the Declaration of Independence.
IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.