Estonia is one of the three Baltic states that, like the Republic of Moldova, broke away from the former Soviet empire more than 30 years ago. Being a small state, with a population of 1.4 million, it followed a different path than the Republic of Moldova – it joined NATO and the EU and is now the richest Baltic state and has one of the most developed economies in the east of the community bloc. Like any country that goes through a complex path of ascent, Estonians knew when and where “to press the accelerator” to reach an unparalleled performance in the region, former President of Estonia Toomas Hendrik Ilves said in an interview with IPN News Agency.
Estonia joined the EU within the largest enlargement wave of the community, both in terms of population and territory. Initially, Estonian support for membership was relatively low, but politicians managed to convince society of the benefits of integration, and in the referendum the “pro” option won a majority. What were emphases placed on then? Are these accents valid in the case of the referendum that will be held in the Republic of Moldova?
Most of the population did not understand then what the EU really meant and a lot of stupid slogans were circulating, such as “why do we need another union, why do we have to go from one union to another”, and this was because of the word “union”. The level of perception of what the EU is and what it does was very low, which is why many explanations were needed. The problem I faced then, when I served as foreign minister, was that even the government was not fully convinced. The good part was that there were people, under the leadership of the Prime Minister, who managed to successfully transmit the necessary information. The difference is that we organized the referendum after the end of the negotiation process, which is a different approach. When you join the European Union, you have to comply with a common set of laws. And this is not a new phenomenon and it has existed since the 12th century, like the Lübeck law, for example. The principle is the same: you adopt a new common set of laws, which you have to explain.
The Republic of Moldova has the Transnistrian problem, a Russian army on the territory of the country. Estonia got rid of the Russian army on time. How did you manage this? Did it go to willpower, external support, strategy, or all together?
In July 1992, this was our first priority. We acted swiftly to make this happen as quickly as possible. We had Sweden and the U.S. as allies, and with their support, by August 1993, the Russian troops had left. I was perplexed at that time, seeing that the Republic of Moldova did not act in the same way to achieve the same result. This is the major mistake of the 1991-1992 government. It is not about what we did, but about what the Republic of Moldova did not do.
One of the factors that slows down the European integration process is that part of the pro-Russian, anti-European population, which has become particularly active lately. How do you handle the pro-Russians in Estonia?
Well, hundreds of thousands of dollars are not pumped into anti-European campaigns here, as is the case in the Republic of Moldova. When we started, Russia was not against our accession to the EU as they hadn’t yet understood how important the European Union was. They worked mainly within the Soviet organizations that existed at that time. It was only later that they began to realize that EU membership posed a threat, when the countries in the community began to prosper faster than we could have imagined. The same applies to the association agreement signed by the Republic of Moldova. It implies more power, more rights. In 1999, this aspect was not perceived by the Russians as a threat.
The economic benefits and a better life are what can work in the case of the pro-Russian population in the Republic of Moldova. On the other hand, Russia means poverty. Maybe they will give some money to the Russians living in the Republic of Moldova, but they will never invest in industry, agriculture or ecology. None of this will happen. Nothing that the European Union offers you can be offered by Russia.
The fight against corruption is one of the biggest challenges for the Republic of Moldova. Estonia can serve as a model of reform of the judicial system for the Republic of Moldova, being the seventh in the European Union from this point of view. How does the situation in the Republic of Moldova look like from outside in this context?
It takes a long way and an enormous effort to reach the top of the most transparent European countries. But this is possible, and Estonia has demonstrated this. In 1992, the EU was worried about the level of corruption in our country, and today we have reached the seventh place out of 27. It doesn’t happen overnight, and we have achieved this in several ways. First of all, we dramatically reduced petty corruption by digitizing public services. As for high-level corruption – judges, prosecutors – these cases must be investigated and completed. If these officials are still in office in the Republic of Moldova, it means that you have to make an even greater effort. There is also the option of appealing to the European Union in this regard, as it happened in the case of the oligarchs from the Republic of Moldova who were banned entry into the EU. Well, this is also a kind of punishment.
Estonia also did an extraordinary reform in the field of healthcare. Over 99% of the data generated by hospitals and doctors are digitized. What long-term benefits has this brought to Estonian citizens?
This is an area where the EU has really made an important contribution. In the last 20 years, we have modernized all hospitals. I have doctor friends who come from the U.S. and are impressed by the hospitals in Estonia. In fact, this is what it means to be part of the EU. The health system reaches another level, and high-performance diagnostic systems become accessible. The investments come because you are part of the European family, but each country decides where to invest this money. We decided to invest it in healthcare. Between 1992 and 2003, life expectancy increased considerably in Estonia. In 1992, life expectancy for men was 68 years, and now it is 72. The culture has also changed. Estonians no longer smoke and drink alcohol in large quantities. At one time, the custom of drinking vodka in large quantities was widespread in Estonia, as vodka was promoted by the Soviet Union. Today, this is no longer the case. If you show up drunk at work, you will be fired.
When we talk about a community, we also refer to a mutual exchange of benefits. What can the Republic of Moldova offer in the European community, in your opinion?
The most important thing, in my view, is a historical justice about a country that was occupied after World War II and that is returning to the European family. The Republic of Moldova was separated from Romania, and we were separated from the family of the Nordic countries. So, for us it was a return to Europe. I think it is very important and it is an element that should be introduced into the messages that you promote: that you are returning to Europe after we were separated in a violent and brutal way from European culture. This is also true for Romania, but they came back earlier. Look at Romania’s accelerated evolution since it entered the European family. It is one of the fastest growing countries in the EU. It’s not just because they have access to larger funds, but also because they’re rebuilding their country. All these are the benefits of the European Union. The Republic of Moldova must be there.
What message do you have for the citizens of the Republic of Moldova ahead of such important decisions?
Your vote and your choice are between democracy and a “Soviet Bardakistan”, between prosperity and poverty, between the future and the past.
Toomas Hendrik Ilves served as President of Estonia from 2006 to 2016. Born on December 26, 1953 in Sweden, Ilves grew up in Estonia after the Soviet occupation. He graduated from the University of Tartu and from Columbia University.
Before becoming President, he held important positions, including of foreign minister and of member of the European Parliament. He was a supporter of Estonia’s integration into the European Union and NATO and promoted digital innovation. Even after the completion of his tenure, he remains an influential voice in international affairs.
