The Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM) on November 18, 2018 mounted a protest march and a pre-electoral protest that involved a large number of supporters of the party. The event was very well, even excellently organized. Owing to the good organization, it was possible to precisely determine the number of participants. The drones used by the organizers were very useful. These enabled to follow in real time how the two columns of supporters set off from the Academy of Sciences of Moldova and, respectively, from the Circus, towards the Great National Assembly Square of Chisinau. Both of the columns consisted of 15 groups and each group had by a supervisor who made sure the unit kept its rectangular form of 10-12 rows of about 30 persons in each row. Respectively, we can calculate that the march involved 9,000 – 10,000 protesters.
The first lesson learned following the PSRM’s march is that the good organization enables to avoid speculations about the number of participants. For example, a year ago the PSRM said the protests mounted in Cahul, Anenii Noi and Balti on September 24, 2017 involved a total of 20,000 people. The protest in Balti alone brought together about 4,000 people. We then determined based on images that the quadrangle that consisted of about 50 police officers on one side and approximately 30 police officers on the other side was about 2/3 completed and this was equal to approximately 1,000 participants. The images also showed that the number of participants in Cahul and Anenii Noi was lower than in Balti and the figure of 20,000 people was thus exaggerated. The November 18 march and protest staged by the PSRM leave no room for speculations.
The second impressive thing at the PSRM march of November 18, 2018 was the short movie that showed in stages the path covered by the shameful regime in 2009-2018. The charm of the movie resided in its description of 2011, which was the year of political instability when the country was close to extraordinary parliamentary elections and the Constitution started to be modified again to serve the narrow interests of the Euro-unionist parties (min. -58.37-58.20), and then the film focused on 2012. Paradoxically, out of bad will or inattention, when passing to 2012 the laudable deeds of Igor Dodon and Zinaida Grecheanyi, who on March 16, 2012 pleaded for political stability, are not assessed in the film. In his speech in favor of his plea for avoiding extraordinary parliamentary elections in Parliament, Igor Dodon said the following: “Today is a very special day for the fate of the Republic of Moldova and for the fate of the Moldovan political class. After almost three years of political crisis, we are now close to a culminant point when the method of solving the crisis will be decided: early elections or the election of the President... We understand very well that everyone’s attention is directed to the Socialist parliamentary group as the method of solving the political crisis depends on Socialists‘ votes. The election of the President or the holding of early elections depends on the Socialists. Believe me, this decisive role that we are to play is a very difficult one. The country’s fate is at stake, as are our political reputation and credibility. By today’s vote, we will assume a very big responsibility for what will happen further, and we assume the criticism that will definitely appear... That’s why we reached today’s decision with difficulty, after considerable mediation and disquiet, amid enormous psychological pressure. We analyzed and reconsidered things and consulted the people, party members and leaders of other parties. But we first of all considered the main interests of the Republic of Moldova and made forecasts to understand what’s better... That’s why we, the Socialists, decided to choose the President of the Republic of Moldova. We will vote a President for Moldova’s stability. We will vote a President because the social situation, political reason and responsibility for the state interests require this”. This was a very responsible attitude by the PSRM that saved the shameful regime, extending the political life of this at least three times! That’s why it’s a great pity that the given episode was left out by the PSRM.
The third thing that impressed at the PSRM’s protest was the party’s commitments for the parliamentary elections of February 24, 2019. It is thus curious that the PSRM undertakes (objective No. 5) to obtain the status of fully-fledged member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). The EEU is based on the Customs Union the entry into which is envisioned in the PSRM’s program, but this is possible only if the Association Agreement (AA), including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA), with the Europe Unjoin is scrapped. The PSRM’s commitments enumerated at the November 18 protest say nothing about the scrapping of the AA and DCFTA. Moreover, the party’s commitment runs counter to the statements made by the Socialist leader Zinaida Grecheanyi, who three days before the protest said: The PSRM aims to win the elections so as to form a government that would know to have good relations with all the states, including the EU, given that we have a signed Free Trade Agreement... What is more curious is that fact that the PSRM’s commitment fully ignores the effort made by the party’s informal leader Igor Dodon, who at the Crans Montana Forum informed the world leaders that: Our goal is to modernize and develop the Republic of Moldova. The reforms will be implemented exclusively for the people’s benefit. We will work out a strategic reform plan so that when Moldova’s entry into the European Union is raised, the country is prepared from all the viewpoints. It is hard to understand from these positions stated by the leaders of the PSRM what namely they intend to do? In this regard, it is as difficult to understand why the PSRM pledges to increase the average salary to €600 and the average pension to €300 (objective No. 1), if the Russian ruble is the main reference currency in the EEU?
The fourth thing that impressed at the PSRM’s protest was the speech given by respectable MP and economist Vladimir Golovatiuc, who presented a pertinent picture of the state of Moldova’s economy, saying – there is such a party that can assume responsibility for remedying the situation and this is the PSRM. The curiosity resides in the fact that the Socialist MP who claimed to be quoting an individual who said the same 100 years ago. This is the most relevant proof of the fact that the PSRM advises its members to no longer pronounce the name of the leader of world proletariat V.I. Lenin. The given conclusion is also based on the fact that the PSRM fully ignored the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. This is probably the tribute aid to the Patriarch of Moscow and all Russia Kirill by the Friends of Orthodoxy from the PSRM, who in commitment No. 9 aim to defend Orthodoxy – our traditional religion. It is a serious compromise if we remember that the informal leader of the PSRM insisted on being handed over the Communist’s card on the birthday of V.I. Lenin, near his monument.
The fifth thing that impressed at the PSRM’s protest was the statistics invoked by the experts of the PSRM, who noted that 40% of the country’s farmland is controlled by offshore firms based abroad and this can lead to eventual growing of genetically modified products on our black earth and later to their appropriation by foreigners. The curiosity here resides in the fact that no one else than the informal leader of the PSRM Igor Dodon supported the amendments made to the law on Moldovan citizenship by investment. In an exclusive interview for Sputnik Moldova, he stated: “Without giving too much details, I can say the Republic of Moldova should have approved such a mechanism earlier. This is a method of attracting investments. But we should be very attentive here. We should see who are they and with what money they come here and what rights they obtain. I don’t want someone to come and buy the whole Republic of Moldova, even if they can do this now too through the agency of intermediaries. But as an international instrument, it is used by many countries. Now the question is – who can hamper the representatives of offshore firms from obtaining Moldovan citizenship by presupposed investments and legally undertake control of the farmland as Moldovan citizens?
Surely, there were also other impressive things at the pre-electoral protest of the PSRM, but those invoked are important as, eventually, the party’s National Council can take them into account to clarify the issues that appeared for the people.
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