Alexandru Mosanu: The proclamation of Moldova’s independence in 1991 was a momentous political act

[- What is the significance of the day of 27 August 1991?] - The proclamation of independence of the Republic of Moldova expressed the will of the majority Romanian Moldovans to break free from the Russian-Soviet colonial domination, to put an end to the totalitarian Communist regime. The act of 27 August 1991 was also endorsed by the representatives of other freedom-seeking nationalities. The proclamation of independence opened the path towards forging a democratic society based on European and national Romanian values, towards eliminating the evil consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. [- Was the proclamation of independence the right decision?] - Today, 17 years after that historic moment, there are voices that say we missed our chance in 1991 to unite with Romania. They remind me of the old saying: there are many heroes after the war. In 1991, I was sure, and remain sure to this day, that the proclamation of independence was the only right decision at that moment, a decision that took into account both the internal realities and the external political conjuncture. The example of 1918 (the year when Bessarabia, which is now Moldova, united with Romania – editor’s note) was impossible to be followed then, because the circumstances surrounding the Movement for Revival and National Liberation (MREN) were drastically different from nine decades ago. [- To what extent have the basic principles of the Declaration of Independence been substantiated into actions?] - Over the years that have elapsed since then, the Republic of Moldova hasn’t succeeded much in becoming a truly sovereign, independent and democratic state, and this is because, shortly after the Declaration of Independence, the balance of forces in the Moldovan society changed to the detriment of the MREN. The pro-Communist and Russophile political groups strengthened their positions especially after Moldova’s defeat in a war caused by Russia in 1992. The views of those groups were totally different from the basic principles of the Declaration of Independence. The revision of the Declaration started on 21 December 1991 in Almaty, when the president signed a series of acts that founded the Commonwealth of Independent States and made Moldova part of this Eurasian community. The western orientation of the Republic of Moldova, established on 27 August 1991, was replaced by the eastern vector, as Russia became Moldova’s “strategic ally”. Then was the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic Moldova, which was built on a concept of anti-Romanian “Moldovanism”. Contrary to the spirit and letter of the Declaration of Independence, the Romanians living east of the Prut River have been named “the Moldovan people” and “the Moldovan nation”, while the official language renamed to the “Moldovan language”. After the Communists regained power in 2001, they transformed the concept of the Stalin-era Moldovanism into the official ideology of the Moldovan state, an ideology forbidden by the Constitution. This ideology, characteristic of the totalitarian regimes, has been applied in the education system starting 2006. A proof of that are the history textbooks rewritten in a Soviet style. The thing that troubles the Communists the most in following their antidemocratic and anti-Romanian course is the Declaration of Independence, and they even go as aberrant as to demand a new version of this historical document. Carrying out this plan would mean to torpedo the political and legal foundations of the Republic of Moldova as a sovereign, independent and democratic state. The aversion of the Communists to the Declaration of Independence finds confirmation in the replacement of the Independence Day with the Republic’s Day. The pursued goal is plain: to erase from the collective and individual memory a historic moment that bothers them and which they dispute. [- How do you imagine the future of Moldova?] The plan of the Communists to abrogate the Declaration of Independence is part of a strategy to liquidate the Romanian state existing east of the Prut and to fashion a colony-type pseudo-state, following the model of the Moldavian Soviet Socialistic Republic. The separatist regime in Tiraspol has been assigned the diversionist role of promoting Russia’s policy in the region. And the Communist government in Chisinau submissively accepts this state of affairs. A proof of that is that the Parliament, dominated by the Communists, is aggressively imposing this approach of anti-Romanian Moldovanism to such domains as history, culture, research, spirituality, etc. Voronin’s policy, aimed at depriving the Romanian Moldovans from their nationality in order to make them Soviet and Russian instead, doesn’t differ much from what Smirnov has been doing on the territory kept under Russia’s authority. The statements about the intentions to integrate Moldova into the EU are not substantiated into reforms promised by the government many a time. The refusal of the Moldovan government to condemn Russia’s aggression against Georgia is an extra proof, and a convincing one, too, that the Communist-led Moldova remains to be obedient to the Kremlin. Still, the current state of affairs in Moldova can be changed to the advantage of democracy. The main prerequisite for this country to get back to the political strategy outlined in the Declaration of Independence is for the anticommunist, pro-European and pro-Romanian forces to win the legislative elections in 2009. Such an outcome could give us hope that in the next 10 to 15 years the Republic of Moldova might join the Euro-Atlantic organizations, and accomplish in this way, in the bosom of the great European family, the national unity of the Romanian people. [Info-Prim Note:] Alexandru Mosanu is the first Speaker of independent Moldova, a university lecturer, doctor habilitatus of history, and honorary member of the Romanian Academy