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Stefan Uratu: The actions of the state authorities in settling the Transnistrian conflict pursue electoral goals. Info-Prim Neo survey


https://www.ipn.md/en/stefan-uratu-the-actions-of-the-state-authorities-in-settling-the-transnistrian--7965_969733.html

Info-Prim Neo News Agency has launched an opinion poll on the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict among leaders of political parties, representatives of the civil society, and opinion shapers from both banks of the Nistru. The survey is aimed at finding out viewpoints that could contribute to the improvement of the present situation. All the participants were asked the same two questions. This time, the answers are given by Stefan Uratu, the president pf the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights from Moldova. [ - How can the Transnistrian dispute be solved in your opinion? In what way, through what mechanisms and during what terms is a settlement possible? ] - Showing attention every day. Not only by stating this is problem no.1, but making it to be so indeed, through the actions of all the state structures. Applying the Moldovan legislation and Constitution in their relationships with the self-proclaimed “leaders” from Tiraspol, and the international instruments Moldova is part to in its relationships with the Russian Federation. I believe the conflict could be solved in 2-3 years. [ - How do you think, how efficient and relevant to the created situation are the steps taken by the administration of Moldova at present? When do you think the effort made by the authorities will begin to produce results and what results we can expect? ] - They are not adequate for the final settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, because such measures were already taken by Mircea Snegur (in 1991 and in 1994), Petru Lucinschi (in 1997) and Vladimir Voronin (in 2001). Those actions did not yield the results expected by the population, instead they yielded electoral dividends to the ones having undertaken them, securing the support or, at least, the tolerance of the Russian Federation. Obviously these steps are also undertaken pursuing electoral goals, because at the elections of 2005, Vladimir Voronin chose another type of tactics. Rejecting the Kozak Memorandum he secured then the support of the “center” and “right-wing” voters. Now seeing he cannot count on them, he returned to the year 2001. Under these circumstances, also the results of these “efforts” can be expected till the elections of 2009.