Present situation is similar to that of 1998, Ion Neagu

{Info-Prim Neo story from the Series “Moldova-20! Whereto?”, ORIGINALLY published on 15 August 2011 *** Each of the 20 years of Moldova’s Independence has its specific and a role in what has happened and what is yet to happen to this country and its people. Analysts, experts and politicians evaluate for Info-Prim Neo the main events of a certain year and their impact on the country} *** [The year 1998 as seen by Ion Neagu, former member of the Parliament of Moldova] [• March 22] – There were held parliamentary elections. [• July 1] – The Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation between the European Union and Moldova took effect. [• July 29] – There was adopted the Motor Transport Code. [• November 6] – There was passed the Law on the Local Public Administration. [• November 12] – There was adopted the Law on the Administrative-Territorial Organization of Moldova. [Ex-MP Ion Neagu] considers that 1998 was first of all marked by the parliamentary elections that took place in spring as they ended the rule of the agrarians. “A light at the end of the channel emerged for Moldova then. There appeared the first possibilities of determinedly following the path to democracy, reforms and European integration after 1994, when the Democrats lost the legislative elections. The Democratic forces joined together, no more argued and achieved good results in elections,” said Ion Neagu. According to the politician, those political forces were very different. They included unionists who were in favor of the union with Romania and persons with pro-Russia views. A compromise was needed in that variegated alliance. “The compromise was found after the dissenting opinions were overcome. A constitution agreement acceptable to all the sides was ultimately reached,” said Ion Neagu. He stressed that history saw a repeat. The events of 1998, those of the end of 2010 and the present ones are alike. “In 1998, Dumitru Diacov, who headed the Movement for a Democratic and Prosperous Moldova, blackmailed the other two components – the Party of Democratic Forces and the Democratic Convention. He threatened to make an alliance with those who will offer him the post of Head of Parliament, while Petru Luchinski did not want the Alliance for Democracy and Reform (ADR) to be formed. He wanted an alliance between the Communists and the Movement for a Democratic and Prosperous Moldova, which he founded. “Only former President of Moldova Mircea Snegur, who I think was a good head of state, could apply for the post of Head of Parliament of the 61 MPs (who were to form the ADR – e.n.). However, in order to allow the formation of the alliance and to follow the proposed democratization, economic reformation and European integration path, Mircea Snegur accepted the condition imposed by Diacov – to be given the seat of Speaker – showing thus great wisdom. Luchinski’s request not to replace the Premier was also granted. Ion Ciubuc, who was designated Premier at the start of 1997 was appointed Prime Minister again in 1998, by Luchinski’s decree. Thus, the ADR’s Government was named Ciubuc 2,” said Ion Neagu. He also said that problems appeared inside the alliance after it was formed because Dumitru Diacov had always oscillated between the position of the Communists and the position of the Democrats and voted either together with the Communists or the Democrats, depending on the benefits offered by the situation. From the very beginning, there was a rupture between the two components – those who represented the Movement for a Democratic and Prosperous Moldova and the others, who were more devoted to the national values, with some exceptions. The alliance started to gradually splinter. Ion Neagu stated that the promoted reforms also contributed to the dissolution of the alliance. An agreement was signed with the IMF. Ion Sturza, who was then Minister of Economy and Deputy Prime Minister, accepted rather unpopular conditions even if Moldova was in a disastrous economic situation. “The people had not received salaries during several months. Solutions were being looked for, but the found ways out were not always right. District hospitals and schools attended by a low number of students were closed, as it happens now. The Communists profited from the situation and hit the alliance according to their style, using the social problems. The fact that the ADR raised the retirement age cost it. Even if the retirement age was increased annually by half a year, the people saw only the figures 60 and 65 ahead and thus the Democrats lost the elections in 2001,” said the former MP. Ion Neagu emphasized that not only the Communists, but also the Christian Democratic People’s Party (PPCD) made use of the effects of the initiated reforms. The party demanded that the spending be decreased firstly at the level of the central administration. The hatred that arose between the components of the alliance blurred their eyes and they did not see the Communist danger stepping behind. Vladimir Voronin, who is now as determined and crafty, was then younger, but he knew how to take advantages from the disputes existing inside the ADR, in the same way that he now does with the AEI. The PCRM and For Luchinski had been partners only up to a certain point, until they managed to oust the Sturza Government and install the Braghis Government, and then Vladimir Voronin pursued his goals. Ultimately, a component of the ADR – the PPCD – voted together with the PCRM in favor of the dismissal of the Sturza Government and, respectively, the destruction of the ruling democratic alliance. “The same danger now threatens the AEI and they should realize the trap set by the Communists. If Voronin commends you and taps you on the shoulder, you should think what you did wrong,” said Ion Neagu. Another event mentioned by Ion Neagu is the adoption of laws concerning the public administration and the territorial administrative reform. According to him, they were the apogee of the implemented reforms. “In 1991, there was adopted the Law on the Local Public Administration, to which I contributed. For the first time in Moldova, they started then to speak about counties and prefect. The given law was passed in November 1998 and Moldova was divided into 10 counties. There was laid the foundation of a new local administration, but the reform was not fully carried out. In 2003, the Communists liquidated the counties and restored the 32 districts. Compare a county existing then with a present district. The self-administration power was greater,” said Ion Neagu. He also said that the year1998 was a hope that became an illusion because the victory of the democratic forces could have been used and Moldova would have forgotten about the Communist forces for good. But, owing to the disagreements inside the alliance, the Communists came to power in 2001 and threw Moldova 10 years backward. “Moldova had and has a European future, but the ways have been missed. We lost the course after the victory of 1998 and found it only in 2009. We were at the same level as the Baltic countries, but now lag much behind,” said Ion Neagu. He believes that the leaders of the AEI initially had good intentions – to remove the Communists from power and set the course for EU. But meanwhile, as in 1998, the initial goals were forgotten owing to the disputes and the interests were put above them. {Ion Neagu is an engineer- hydrotechnician at Moldova’s Waters Agency. He started his political career as a member of the Communist Party and graduated from the Higher Party School, but does not hide this fact. In 1988-1989, he joined the People’s Front. In 1990, he was elected as a Member of Parliament and was then reelected in 1994-1998, and in 1998-2001. In 2001, while secretary of the PPCD, he withdrew from Parliament, but returned in 2005 and served as an MP until 2009. He is one of the founders of the European Action Movement (MAE). In 2008-2010, he acted as the first deputy head of the MAE. In October 2010, Ion Neagu was elected as secretary general of the MAE. After the MAE and the Liberal Party merged, he joined the Liberals in 2011, but remains far from the political arena. } [Dumitrita Ciuvaga, Info-Prim Neo, August 2011]