Greatest achievement and greatest danger for Moldova

{Info-Prim Neo Analysis} By condemning the totalitarian Communist regime and banning its symbols, the Eurointegration Alliance has perhaps taken its most firm and assertive political action since taking power, which however has also provoked huge risks. These risks could not just cost the component parties, including their leaders, their political future for many years to come, but also, most importantly, the current development path of Moldova and its European prospects, if any still exist. So the greatest risk could be a departure from the current orientation towards Europe, and the Alliance's recent decision makes it quite real, unless it is followed by other actions to placate society and win its support. And we mean many, concrete, urgent and tangible actions to improve living standards. In this context, the parliamentary majority's last Thursday's decision should be examined from several perspectives. [Elements of reciprocal political annihilation] Tactically, the decision to condemn the totalitarian Communist regime and, in particular, to outlaw the hammer-and-sickle symbol is part of a long series of actions of the Moldovan political class that pursues a reciprocal liquidation of certain political segments. “Have some decency, this is a move to eliminate us from the electoral landscape”, Communist leader Vladimir Voronin told Parliament ahead of the condemnation vote. Socialist leader Igor Dodon had a similar reaction: he accused the Alliance of using non-democratic measures to curb the opposition. But both Voronin and Dodon, as well as many other politicians and political pundits, seemed to forget that the Alliance's move was in fact a tactic response to the Communists' extensive and aggressive campaign involving masses of people that sought the actual disbandment of the alliance government on the account that it “usurped power”. Even if returning to Parliament after a prolonged boycott, Vladimir Voronin and all the Communist top members reiterated, whenever they had the occasion, that the Alliance wouldn't get the chance to successfully complete its term, under the constant pressure of the Communist protest events. The Communists' malice towards the Alliance and its component parties surfaced, in the most natural way, immediately after the passage of the condemnation motion. “The Oak on the Liberal-Democrats' logo will be downed, and the little men on the Liberals' logo will be liquidated”, Voronin told reporters, and he can't be suspected of using mild irony. Igor Dodon, too, has openly and repeatedly stated that he seeks to oust the Liberals from government. Just a few days before Thursday's vote, Communist MP Grigore Petrenco called the Alliance members “followers of Gestapo” and “everybody knows how the followers of Gestapo ended and will end up”. Considering this, the Alliance and especially the Liberals, who proposed the condemnation motion, apparently acted in self-defense. The counterattack was executed by the book of political technology and in this regard the Alliance's strategists have proved themselves fine disciples of Communist strategies. In particular, the Parlament's vote was not preceded by any visible discussions within the Alliance, and, according to tradition, the move came shortly before Parliament adjourned for summer recess, meaning the Communists didn't have time and room for responses and maneuvers, also because both the state and people go on vacation in this period. More importantly, however, the Alliance gave the Communists another subject to concern themselves with than preparing the downfall of the government, which was potentially intended to be brought about by an intensification in large-scale protest rallies in autumn. The Alliance wasn't willing to sit idly by and watch its fall and instead initiated a counterattack. {It's almost like in this old joke: Two families living in houses that share a common wall. One of the husbands is having troubles falling asleep and the wife asks him what's wrong. The husband: Tomorrow I have to repay some money I borrowed from the neighbor and I don't have it. The wife: And this is all? The woman then turns to the wall and knocks loudly: “Neighbor, can you hear me? My husband owes you some money and he's not going to give it to you back tomorrow!”. “Well, let him lose sleep now...”} In terms of political technology, this would be called “political harassment”, or more exactly, an attempt of political annihilation. This is precisely how the situation of the current political class was described by the former Special EU Representative to Moldova Kalman Mizsei in an interview with Info-Prim Neo, published on 1 March 2010: “The critical (challenge) is that on both radical ends of the political spectrum people are afraid that the other side wants to annihilate them. That in spite of a generally extremely tolerant Moldovan society. Still, it is elementary that parliamentary parties should talk to each other and not to use insulting language to political opponents”. The recent events indicate that our politicians haven't yet demonstrated ability to co-exist in the public and political space which is rather narrow, as Moldova itself is. The question is, do this generation of politicians have this ability at all? [Pains of labor or Searching for identity] In essence, the condemnation vote against totalitarian Communism is in a way purifying for Moldovan society, even if it comes 20 years late compared to most countries from the post-socialist space. One of the Moldovan political pundits once remarked that almost all the countries that condemned the old regime came to join the European Union or approached it closely, offering their people corresponding living conditions, whereas the other countries... The decision against totalitarian Communism must be regarded from the perspective of how the modern Moldovan society has been developing and how it has been searching for its identity. The identity problem that has been haunting our society for more than two decades now is not only defined by the questions of what's your ethnic origin or how you call the language you speak. More profoundly, it's who we are in general, what are our aspirations, which are the criteria we use to distinguish between right and wrong, and so on. You aren't expected to love your, or your parents', or your grandparents' Executioner, even if it's the Executioner who introduced into your, or your parents', or your grandparents' mind that you once lived a prosperous life under his regime. How have we come to see some of the young generation members lionize Him? In this sense, the vote demonstrates a certain degree of maturity and consolidation of the Moldovan political class, or at least of a significant part of it. Still, overall our political class continues to act under the “life-and-death” battle rule, despite “a generally extremely tolerant Moldovan society”, as Kalman Mizsei pointed out. [Dangers for Moldova] It depends on what was the purpose at the heart of this decision. If the Alliance only thought of harassing their political rivals into annihilation, then they have exposed themselves to an unprecedented risk of becoming annihilated themselves. The condemnation vote will undoubtedly and professionally be used by the Communists to play the victim, and traditionally victims enjoy more support than “oppressive” governments. This means that in the next elections, which under certain circumstances could be triggered earlier than in two years and a half, the Communist could win a greater electorate and thus oust the democrats from government in a legitimate and democratic manner, like it already happened once in Moldova's recent history. The Communists will call the people to the barricades and the Alliance will have to offer the people something else instead, and in a very short period of time too. This “something else” should make people's lives better in real terms, before it's too late. This “something else” can be delivered only by urgently and genuinely completing reforms, in particular in fighting corruption, improving the business climate, reforming the judicial system, and so on. Regretfully, concomitantly with the vote against Communism, the Alliance failed, or even refused, to set in motion the Integrity Commission, an instrument meant to actually fight corruption against public officials, including top government officials. It happened (or was it a predictable fact?) that it was the Liberals who refused to endorse the appointment of a civil society representative as the Commission's chair, and this was despite getting the Liberal-Democrats' and Democrats' support a few moments earlier in such a huge and sensible issue like the condemnation motion. Thus, the chance of starting the process of combating corruption among public officials was delayed until the end of 2012 at the best. And experts say, this is precisely by how long the EU has delayed the granting of a visa liberalization regime to Moldova. The day before the motion condemning communism, the parliamentary majority adopted the 2013 tax and customs policy, whose provisions sparked concerns among the business community, including among foreign investors. The Alliance has been having tensed relations with the business ever since coming to power, with the businesses complaining that their concerns are not being addressed. And all this happens against the background of an economic crisis, drought, price and tax hikes. History tells us that, once economic and social discontent and frustrations have reached a critical mass, an Augusto Pinochet may appear to overthrow a Salvador Allende... Although the methods can differ... A departure from the European integration path in this case is not obligatory, but extremely likely. [Valeriu Vasilica, Info-Prim Neo]