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EU and Moldova’s military resilience. Op-Ed by Anatol Țăranu


https://www.ipn.md/en/eu-and-moldovas-military-resilience-op-ed-by-anatol-7978_1106499.html

 

 

Moldova’s neutral status is seen by Russia as a means to prevent closer ties with the West and to keep it within its geopolitical orbit...

 

Anatol Țăranu
 

 

In Article 11 of its Constitution, Moldova “proclaims its permanent neutrality and shall not allow the deployment of military troops of foreign countries on its soil”. This neutrality means that Moldova cannot be part of any military alliance and that it maintains a foreign policy of non-alignment.

However, this neutrality provision has never been de facto respected in more than three decades of Moldova’s history as an independent state, due to the illegal Russian military presence within its internationally recognized territory.

Neutrality in Russia’s understanding

Russia keeps military troops in the Transnistrian region despite calls from Chisinau and international actors to withdraw them. This military presence is considered by Moldova as a violation of its neutrality, but Russia alleges it is needed to “keep peace” in the region.

Over the years, Russia has exerted significant political influence in Moldova, supporting pro-Russian politicians and undermining Moldova’s efforts to integrate into Western structures, such as the European Union and NATO. In this context, Moldova’s neutral status is seen by Russia as a means to prevent closer ties with the West and to keep it within its geopolitical orbit.

Relations between Russia and Moldova have see-sawed over the years, influenced by government changes in Chisinau and the respective leaning either towards the West or the East. But during all these years, Moscow has constantly emphasized the importance of maintaining Moldova’s neutral status, and interpreted any attempt to approach the West, especially NATO, as a direct threat. The relationship between Russia and Moldova’s neutral status is influenced not only by the geopolitical situation in the region, but in particular by the unsettled conflict in Transnistria, a region with a separatist regime supported by Moscow.

Russia insists by all the means available – political and economic pressure, along with propaganda – on Moldova keeping its permanent neutrality, especially opposing any measures to strengthen the combat capabilities of the Moldovan army and to increase the country’s military resilience. From this perspective, Moldova’s neutrality is a central element in its relationship with Russia, having deep implications for the security and foreign policy of the Moldovan state.

Meanwhile, the European Union

Meanwhile, even with this pressure from Moscow to maintain neutrality, Chisinau has started to seek closer and closer relations with the EU, thus balancing its position between East and West. Unlike Russia, the EU not only formally recognizes Moldova’s neutral status, but also has built its relationship with the Moldovan state in the context of the Eastern Partnership and the Association Agreement without prejudice to the neutral status of its partner.

But Russia’s war against Ukraine has fundamentally changed the EU’s relationship with Moldova in the field of security and defense. First, the EU contributed between 2022 and 2024 with 926 million euros in humanitarian aid to help war-affected civilians from Ukraine. This amount includes 860 million euros for Ukraine and 66 million euros for Moldova. Thanks to this assistance, Moldova activated the EU civil protection mechanism to support Ukrainian citizens arriving in Moldova. Under this program, EU member states offered various types of assistance to Moldova, including shelters, hygiene kits and electric generators.

Consistent support from the EU

In April 2023, the European Union launched its Partnership Mission in Moldova (EUPM Moldova) as part of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The goal of this exclusively civilian mission is to boost the resilience of the security sector in areas such as crisis management, hybrid threats, cyber security, as well as countering foreign manipulation and interference in internal affairs.

Also during this period, the allocated 137 million euros under the European Peace Facility to support the modernization of the Moldovan armed forces. This EU-funded assistance aims to increase the operational effectiveness of the armed forces and better protect critical civilian infrastructure as well as civilians in crisis and emergency situations. In addition, these assistance measures strengthen Moldova’s ability to participate in EU CSDP military missions and operations, as well as in other multinational operations.

By offering financial assistance to Moldova, the EU also contributes to the modernization of its armed forces and the improvement of its security infrastructure. EU assistance also consists of technical expertise and training to help develop the national army’s defense capabilities and strengthen the state’s military resilience.

How the EU can defend its members

After Moldova submitted its application for EU membership in March 2022, and after the accession negotiations began in December 2023, the debate on the EU’s ability to guarantee the military security of its members intensified in Moldovan society. There is a widespread perception in the public opinion of NATO as a guarantor of collective security for its member countries, while the EU is not perceived in terms of a secure military resilience for the members of the community.

It is true that NATO was founded in 1949 precisely as a political-military alliance, capable of guaranteeing the defense and security of its members in the event of military aggression. The entire history of NATO’s existence proves that it has brilliantly fulfilled its basic mission: in all these years there has not been a single military attack on its members in its jurisdiction. And if one considers that most EU states are also NATO members, the fundamental role of the alliance in guaranteeing the military resilience of the EU member states as a whole becomes evident.

However, even if the EU is not a military alliance, the European community stipulates in its founding treaties provisions that are directly designed to maintain and deepen the military resilience of its members. In particular, Article 42.7 of the EU Treaty, which covers cases of aggression against an EU member state, enshrines the community’s solidarity with the member country subjected to an act of military aggression. This article, known as the mutual defense clause, explicitly states that if a member state becomes a victim of military aggression, other member states must provide aid and assistance “by all means in their power”.

Article 42.7 equals Article 5

However, this article of the Treaty has never been activated. The explanation is that the European Union did not have a military dimension from the start, because the whole purpose of establishing the Community was to distance the founding countries from war and from everything that societal militarization means. But Article 42.7 of the EU Treaty has the same philosophy as Article 5 of the NATO Treaty, which requires all member states to come to the rescue of any of its members that becomes subjected to military aggression.

From this perspective, joining the EU will certainly help Moldova boost its military, even if an infallible guarantee of military security can only be achieved with NATO membership. However, given that the pro-NATO sentiment is not prevailing among Moldovan society, EU support is essential for Moldova, which faces significant challenges in terms of its military resilience. These include limited resources, foreign influence – especially from Russia – and the need to strike a delicate balance in foreign policy. All these factors mean a continuous collaboration with the EU, which offers Moldova important opportunities to strengthen its national security and develop a military force capable of facing regional challenges.


 
Anatol Țăranu
doctor of history, political commentator

IPN publishes in the Op-Ed rubric opinion pieces submitted by authors not affiliated with our editorial board. The opinions expressed in these articles do not necessarily coincide with the opinions of our editorial board.